only, that he had himself attended. He would only further add, that he hoped, in their deliberations, they would be guided by that moderation, politeness, and deference for the opinion of each other, which were essential to any useful result. But when he looked around and saw the respectable assemblage, and recollected the humane and benevolent purpose which had produced it, he felt it unnecessary to insist farther on this topic..

Mr. Elias B. Caldwell, of this District, then rose. He said, he felt peculiar embarrassment in obtruding himself upon the notice of so large and respectable a meeting, in which he found some of the most distinguished characters in our country. I ask, said he, your indulgence in offering to the consideration of the meeting the resolutions which I hold in my hand, and to a few explanatory observations. The objects of the meeting had been feelingly and correctly stated by the honorable chairman. The subject seems to be divided into

1st, The expediency; and, 2dly, the practicability of the proposed plan. The expediency of colonizing the free people of color in the United States may be considered in reference to its influence on our civil institutions, on the morals and habits of the people, and on the future happiness of the free people of color. It has been a subject of unceasing regret, and anxious solicitude, among many of our best patriots and wisest statesmen, from the first establishment of our independence, that this class of people should remain a monument of reproach to those sacred principles of civil liberty, which constitute the foundation of all our constitutions. We say, in the Declaration of Independence, "that all men are created equal," and have certain inalienable rights.' Yet it is considered impossible, consistently with the safety of the State, and it certainly is impossible, with the present feelings towards these people, that they can ever be placed upon this equality, or admitted to the enjoyment of these "inalienable rights," whilst they remain mixed with us. Some persons may declaim, and call it prejudice. No matter-prejudice is as powerful a motive, and will as certainly exclude them, as the soundest reason. Others may say they are free enough. If this is a matter of opinion, let them judge-if of reason, let it be decided by our repeated and solemn declarations, in all our public acts. This state of society unquestionably tends, in various ways, to injure the morals and destroy the habits of industry among our people. This will be acknowledged by every person who has paid any attention to the subject; and it seems to be so generally admitted that it would promote the happiness of the people, and the interest of the country, to provide a place where these people might be settled by themselves, that it is unnecessary to dwell on this branch of the subject.

As to the blacks, it is manifest that their interest and happiness would be promoted by collecting them together where they would enjoy equal rights and privileges with those around them. A state of degradation is necessarily a state of unhappiness: it debases the mind; it cramps the energies of the soul, and represses every vigorous effort towards moral or intellectual greatness. How can you expect from them any thing great or noble, without the motives to stimulate, or the rewards to crown great and noble achievements? It not only prevents their climbing the steep and rugged paths of fame, but it prevents the enjoyment of the true happiness of calm contentment, satisfied with enjoying but a part of what we possess-of using only a portion of what is in our power. Take away, however, the portion that is not used, and it immediately becomes the object of our fondest desires..

The more you endeavor to improve the condition of these people-the more you cultivate their minds, (unless by religious instruction) the more miserable you make them in their present state. You give them a higher relish for those privileges which they can never attain, and turn what we intend for a blessing into a curse. No; if they must remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of degradation and ignorance. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy. Surely, Americans ought to be the last people on earth to advocate such slavish doctrines, to cry peace and contentment to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty. They who have so largely partaken of its blessings, who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be among the foremost to extend it to others. I will consider the practicability of colonization under three heads: The territory, the expense, and the probability of obtaining their consent.

It

1. The Territory. Various places have been mentioned by different persons: a situation within our own terrritory would certainly possess some considerable advantages. It would be more immediately under the eye and control of our Government. But there are some real and some apprehended evils to encounter. Many apprehend that they might hereafter join the Indians, or the nations bordering on our frontier, in case of war, if they were placed so near us-that the colony would become the asylum of fugitives. and runaway slaves-added to these difficulties, there are inveterate prejudices against such a plan, in so large a portion of the country, which it would be impossible to overcome or remove. Upon mature reflection, with all the light that has yet been shed upon the subject, I believe it will be found, that Africa will be liable to the fewest objections. A territory might, no doubt, be procured there; the climate is best adapted to their constitutions, and they could live cheaper. But, Mr. Chairman, I have a greater and nobler object in view, in desiring them to be placed in Africa. is the belief that, through them, civilization and the Christian religion would be introduced into that benighted quarter of the world. It is the hope of redeeming many millions of people from the lowest state of ignorance and superstition, and restoring them to the knowledge and worship of the true God. Great and powerful as are the other motives to this measure; (and I acknowledge them to be of sufficient magnitude to attract the attention and to call forth the united efforts of this nation) in my opinion, and you will find it the opinion of a large class of the community, all other motives are small and trifling compared with the hope of spreading among them the knowledge of the gospel. From the importance of this view of the subject, permit me to enlarge a little upon it. Whatever may be the difference of opinion among the different denominations of Christians, I believe they will all be found to unite in the belief that the scriptures predict a time, when the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be spread over every part of the world, shall be acknowledged by every nation, and perhaps shall influence every heart. The opinion is, perhaps, as general, that this glorious and happy day is near at hand. The great movements and mighty efforts in the moral and religious world, seem to indicate some great design of Providence on the eve of accomplishment. The unexampled and astonishing success attending the various and numerous plans which have been devised, and which are now in operation in different parts of the world, and the union and harmony with which Christians of different denominations unite in promoting these plans, clearly indicate a divine hand in their direction. Nay, sir, the

subject on which we are now deliberating, has been brought to public view nearly at the same time in different parts of our country. In New Jersey, New York, Indiana, Tennessee, Virginia, and perhaps other places, not known to me, the public attention seems to have been awakened, as from a slumber, to this subject. The belief that I have mentioned leads Christians to look with anxious solicitude and joyful hope to every movement which they believe to be instrumental in accomplishing the great designs of Pro vidence. They will receive your proposal with joy, and support it with zeal; and permit me to say, that it will be of no small consequence to gain the zealous support and co-operation of this portion of the community

On the subject of expense, I should hope there would not be much difference of opinion. All are interested, though some portions of the community are more immediately so than others. We should consider that what affects a part of our country, is interesting to the whole. Besides, it is a great national object, and ought to be supported by a national purse. And, as has been justly observed by the honorable gentleman in the chair, there ought to be national atonement for the wrongs and injuries which Africa has suffered. For, although the State Legislatures commenced early after our independence to put a stop to the slave trade, and the National Government interfered as soon as the Constitution would permit; yet, as a nation, we cannot rid ourselves entirely from the guilt and disgrace attending that iniquitoust traffic, until we, as a nation, have made every reparation in our power. If, however, more funds are wanting than it is thought expedient to appropriate out of the public treasury, the liberality and the humanity of our citizens will not suffer it to fail for want of pecuniary aid. I should be sorry, however, to see our Government dividing any part of the honor and glory which cannot fail of attending the accomplishment of a work so great, so interesting, and which will tend so much to diffuse the blessings of civil liberty and promote the happiness of man.

Among the objections which have been made, I must confess that I am most surprised at one which seems to be prevalent, to wit: that these people will be unwilling to be colonized. What, sir! are they not men? Will they not be actuated by the same motives of interest and ambition, which influence other men? Or will they prefer remaining in a hopeless state of degradation for themselves and their children, to the prospect of the full enjoyment of the civil rights and a state of equality? What brought our ancestors to these shores? They had no friendly hand to lead them; no powerful hu man arm to protect them. They left the land of their nativity, the sepulchres of their fathers, the comforts of civilized society, and all the endearments of friends and relatives, and early associations, to traverse the ocean; to clear the forests; to encounter all the hardships of a new settlement, and to brave the dangers of the tomahawk and scalping knife. How many were destroyed! Sometimes whole settlements cut off by disease and hunger; by the treachery and cruelty of the savages; yet were they not discouraged. What is it impels many Europeans daily to seek our shores, and to sell themselves for the prime of their life, to defray the expense of their passages? It is that ruling, imperious desire, planted in the breast of every manthe desire of liberty, of standing upon an equality with his fellow men. If we were to add to these motives, the offer of land, and to aid in the expense of emigration, and of first settling, they cannot be so blind to their own interest, so devoid of every noble and generous feeling, as to hesitate about accepting of the offer. It is not a matter of speculation and opinion only.

It has been satisfactorily ascertained that numbers will gladly accept of the invitation. And when once the colony is formed, and flourishing, all other obstacles will be easily removed. It is for us to make the experiment and the offer; we shail then, and not till then, have discharged our duty. It is a plan in which all interests, all classes and descriptions of people may unite -in which all discordant feelings may be lost in those of humanity, in promoting "peace on earth, and good will to men."

Mr. John Randolph, of Roanoke, rose and said, that it had been properly observed by the chairman, that there was nothing in the proposition [referring to the resolutions which follow! submitted to consideration, which, in the smallest degree, touches another very important and delicate question, which ought to be left as much out of view as possible. But, Mr R. said, it appeared to him that it had not been sufficiently insisted on, with a view to obtain the co-operation of all the citizens of the United States, not only that this meeting does not, in any wise, affect the question of negro slavery, but, as far as it goes, must materially tend to secure the property of every master in the United States over his slaves. It appeared to him that this aspect of the question had not been sufficiently presented to the public view. It was a notorious fact, he said, that the existence of this mixed and intermediate population of free negroes was viewed by every slave holder as one of the greatest sources of the insecurity, and also unprofitableness of slave property; that they serve to excite in their fellow beings a feeling of discontent, of repining at their situation, and that they act as channels of communication not only between different siaves, but between the slaves of different districts; that they are the epositaries of stolen goods, and the promoters of mischief. In a worldly point of view, then, without entering into the general question, and apart from those higher and uobler motives which had been presented to the meeting, the owners of slaves were interested in providing a retreat for this part of our population. There was no fear that this proposition would alarm them: they had been accustomed to think seriously of the subject. There was a popular work on agriculture, by John Taylor, of Caroline, which was widely circulated and much confided in, in Virginia. In that book, much read because coming from a practical man, this description of people were pointed out as a great evil. If a place could be provided for their reception, and a mode of sending them hence, there were hundreas, nay, thousands of citizens, who would, by manumitting their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares attendant on their possession.

Mr. Robert Wright, of Md. said he could not withhold his approbation of a measure, that had for its object the melioration of the lot of any portion of the human race, particularly of the free people of color, whose degraded state robs them of the happiness of self government, so dear to the American people. And, said he, as I discover the most delicate regard to the rights of property, I shall, with great pleasure, lend my aid to restore this unfortunate people to the enjoyment of their liberty; but I fear gentlemen are too sanguine in their expectations, that they would be willing to abandon the land of their nativity, so dear to man. However, I have no indisposition to give them that election by furnishing all the means contemplated. But, while we wish to promote the happiness of these free people of color, we ought to take care not to furnish the means of transporting out of the reach of the master his property.

Mr. Caldwell offered the following preamble and resolutions; which were unanimously adopted.

The situation of the free people of color in the United States has been the subject of anxious solicitude, with many of our most distinguished citizens, from the first existence of our country as an independent nation; but the great difficulty and embarrassment attending the establishment of an infant nation, when first struggling into existence, and the subsequent convulsions of Europe, have hitherto prevented any great national effort to provide a remedy for the evils existing or apprehended. The present period seems peculiarly auspicious to invite attention to this important subject, and gives a well grounded hope of success. The nations of Europe are hushed into peace; unexampled efforts are making, in various parts of the world, to diffuse knowledge, civilization, and the benign influence of the Christian religion. The rights of man are becoming daily better understood; the legitimate objects of Government, as founded for the benefit and intended for the happiness of men, are more generally acknowledged, and an ardent zeal for the happiness of the human race is kindled in almost every heart. Desirous of aiding in the great cause of philanthropy, and of promoting the prosperity and happiness of our country, it is recommended by this meeting to form an association or society for the purpose of giving aid and assisting in the colonization of the free people of color in the United States. Therefore,

Resolved, That an association or society be formed for the purpose of collecting information and to assist in the formation and execution of a plan for the colonization of the free people of color, with their consent, in Africa, or elsewhere, as may be thought most advisable by the constituted authorities of the country.

Resolved, That Elias B. Caldwell, John Randolph, Richard Rush, Walter Jones, Francis S. Key, Robert Wright, James H. Biake, and John Peter, be a committee to present a respectful memorial to Congress, requesting them to adopt such measures as may be thought most advisable for procuring a territory in Africa, or elsewhere, suitable for the colonization of the free people of color.

Resolved, That Francis S. Key, Bushrod Washington, Elias B. Caldwell, James Breckenridge, Walter Jones, Richard Rush, and William G. D. Worthington, be a committee to prepare a constitution and rules for the government of the Association or Society, above mentioned, and report the same to the next meeting for consideration.

And the meeting adjourned until next Saturday evening, at six o'clock. HENRY CLAY, Chairman.

THOMAS DOUGHERTY, Secretary.

At an adjourned meeting of the citizens of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, and many others, held in the Hall of the House of Representatives of the United States, on Saturday, the 28th day of December, 1816, for the purpose of receiving and considering, from the committees appointed to that duty at a previous meeting, a constitution of the Society, for meliorating the condition of the free people of color in the United States, by providing a colonial retreat on this or the continent of Africa; and a memorial to Congress requesting the sanction and co operation of the General Government in the object of the Institution aforesaid; a constitution was reported by the committee appointed for that purpose: and having been discussed and amended, was then unanimously accepted by the meeting, in the following words:

ART. 1. This society shall be called "The American Society for Colonizing the Free Poople of Color of the United States."