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tion of the proposed system, condemned them to remain for some years longer separate and insignificant communities, emulous in their obedience to the parent state, and in devotion to her interests, but jealous of each other's prosperity; gradually estranged by conflicting pretensions and narrow views of local policy; and in some instances kept apart by mutual prejudices, or the dissimilarity of their institutions and manners. The necessity of union had, nevertheless, been felt; its advantages perceived; its principles explained, and the way to it clearly pointed out; and at length, the sense of common danger and oppression brought the colonies once more together, and led them to adopt the same measures of defence and security, not, indeed, against the vexatious and irregular warfare of the savage tribes, but in resistance to the formidable claims, and still more formidable power, of the mother-country.

When the first attack was made by Parliament upon the chartered privileges of the colonists, and their inherent rights as subjects of the English law, by the celebrated Stamp Act of 1763, a congress of deputies from all the colonial assemblies was recommended by the popular branch of the Massachusetts Legislature; and in the month of October, in that year, delegates from most of the provinces assembled at New-York. Without delay or hesitation, they published a declaration of the rights and griev ances of the colonists, in which they asserted their title to the enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of British subjects, and especially the exclusive power of taxing themselves. They complained more particularly of the act of Parliament imposing stamp duties, and other direct taxes in the colonies; and their remonstrances were so far successful that this obnoxious measure was rescinded, although its re

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peal was accompanied by a declaratory assertion of the power of Parliament to tax the colonies in all cases whatever.

This reservation, however, of the abstract right gave little umbrage to the colonists, who regarded it merely as an emollient for the offended pride—a salvo for the wounded honour of Great Britain, and verily believed that no new attempt would be made to reduce the principle to practice. But it was soon discovered that they had reposed too much faith in the intelligence, prudence, and moderation of the British statesmen of that day. Before two years had elapsed, the very men who had consented to the repeal of the Stamp Act brought into Parliament a bill equally objectionable in principle, though less odious in its features and oppressive in its operation; and this bill became a law, almost without opposition. After a long course of patient remonstrance and constitutional resistance to the execution of this act, a general congress was proposed at town meetings in New-York and Boston, and more formally recommended by a majority of the Virginia Assembly, upon the dissolution of that body in consequence of its opposition to the claims of Parliament. The committees of correspondence established in the several colonies selected the city of Philadelphia as the place, and appointed the tenth of September, 1774, as the time of meeting of the first Continental Congress.

The members of that illustrious body were in general elected by the colonial legislatures; but in some instances a different method was pursued, which, for the most part, was adopted from necessity. In New-Jersey and Maryland, the elections were made by committees chosen in the several counties for that purpose; and in New-York, where the

royal party being the stronger, it was improbable that a legislative act authorizing the election of representatives in Congress could be obtained, the people themselves assembled in those places where the spirit of opposition prevailed, and elected delegates, who were readily received as members of the Congress. The powers with which the deputies of the several colonies were invested were of various extent; although the recommendations for their appointment had been expressed in the most general and comprehensive terms, and requested that they should be clothed with "authority and discretion to meet and consult together for the common welfare." Most generally they were empowered to consult and advise on the means most proper to secure the liberties of the colonies, and restore the harmony formerly subsisting between them and the parent state. In some instances, the powers conferred seemed to contemplate only such measures as would operate on the commercial connexion between the two countries; in others, the discretion of the delegates was unlimited.

Deputies from eleven of the provinces appeared at Philadelphia on the day appointed, and took into immediate consideration the calamitous aspect of public affairs; and especially the sufferings of those colonies which had been foremost and most active in resistance to the oppressive measures of the mothercountry. By a series of declaratory resolutions, they asserted what they deemed to be the absolute and inalienable rights of the colonists, as men, and as free subjects of Great Britain; pointed out to their constituents the systematic aggression which had been pursued, and the impending violence premeditated against them; and enjoined them, by their regard to honour, and their love of country, to re

nounce commerce with Great Britain, as the most effectual means of averting the dangers with which they were threatened, and of securing those liberties which they claimed from the bounty of their Creator, and as an inheritance from their fathers.

This requisition received prompt and universal obedience; and the Union thus formed, and confirmed by these resolutions, was continued by successive elections of delegates to the General Congress, and was maintained through every period of the Revolution which immediately ensued, and every change in our Federal and State Governments, and is revered and cherished by every true American as the source of our national prosperity, and the only solid foundation of our national independence.

In the month of May, 1775, a new Congress, consisting of delegates from twelve provinces, clothed with ample discretionary powers, met at Philadelphia; and soon after it assembled, the accession of Georgia completed the confederation of the Thirteen Colonies of North America. These delegates were instructed to "concert and prosecute such measures as they should deem most fit and proper to obtain a redress of grievances ;" and, in more general terms, corresponding with the formula of classic antiquity, to "take care of the liberties of the country." Charged thus solemnly with the protection of the common rights and interests, the representatives of the American people prepared for resistance, sustained by the confidence, and animated by the zeal of their constituents. They published a declaration of the causes and necessity of resorting to arms, and proceeded to levy and organize forces by land and sea; to contract debts and emit a paper currency, pledging the faith of the Union for its redemption; and gradually assuming all the powers of na.

tional sovereignty, this Congress at length declared the United Colonies free and independent states.*

Preparatory to this momentous and uncompromising measure, by which our Revolution may be said to have been consummated, an important preliminary step had been taken by Congress, which in itself was considered decisive of the question of independence. It had previously recommended to particular colonies to establish temporary institutions for conducting their affairs during the contest with the mothercountry; but when independence was perceived to be the inevitable result, it was proposed by Congress, to the respective assemblies and conventions of the provinces where no government adapted to the exigencies of the crisis had already been formed, to adopt such constitutions as should be most conducive to the happiness and safety of their immediate constituents, as well as of the nation at large. The provincial assemblies acted on this recommendation; and the several colonies, already contemplating themselves as independent states, adopted the principle, then considered visionary in Europe, of limiting the constituted authorities by a written fundamental instrument; and thus the doctrine of the "Social Contract," hitherto advanced merely as an ingenious theory, or regarded as a bold and fanciful speculation, was first actually exemplified, and successfully reduced to practice.

To secure and perpetuate these state institutions, it was deemed expedient, while these measures were maturing, to explain more fully, and by a formal instrument, the nature of the federative compact, and to define both the powers vested in the General Government, and the residuary sovereignty of the

* Vide Appendix A.

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