as in the war department, 4,000,000 france; navy, 1,500,000; negociations, 1,000,000; justice, 300,000; financial operations, 7,267,000; army of occupation, 4,800,000; departmental expences, 2,355,000. The total amount of the proposed reductions was 21,612,547 francs, or 905,000l. sterling.

M. Beugnot concluded with expressing his sanguine hopes, that the nation would speedily be relieved of a large proportion of these burdens, in consequence of the evacuation of the French territory by the allied troops. "The King," said he, "has permitted us to hope, that these burdens may entirely cease, and that our country may resume that rank among the nations, which is due to the valour of the French, and their fortitude in adversity. Let us hope also, that the allied sovereigns, for the peace of the world, will listen to the wish of France, which bursts forth at once from the palace and the cottage, in which all ages, all ranks, all opinions, are confounded, and which proves by its energetic unanimity, that if a great nation may be plunged into misfortune, it can never lose the sentiment of its dignity, and of its strength."

The debates on this subject were nearly as long as in the others, but to us not equally interesting. The opposition eagerly called for the evacuation of France by the allied troops, not without dark hints, as if ministers were not animated with the same zeal. "Who," exclaimed M. Bignon, "could ever, without the bitterest affliction, see his natal soil trampled beneath the foot of the foreigner? In seizing our places, they have not reached our souls; beneath the material forms of servitude, the heart of the citizen preserves all its pride. He would not be a Frenchman, whose heart was not wrung at the sight of a foreign army lording it in our cities, and in our villages;

whose every vow would not call for its departure; who being able to hasten this departure, would consent to delay it a day, an hour, an instant. Could there exist an individual so mad as to believe, that the presence of foreign troops could be useful to the safety of the government, to the security of the throne? How contemptible would be that denationalized man, the apostate from his country, capable of conceiving an idea so odiously false! It is France alone that can afford solid support to a French monarch. It is by uniting himself to his people, by existing only with his people, and for his people, that a King of France finds safety and strength, happiness and glory." In criticising the military expenditure, he took occasion to deplore the loss of the old army, and drew the following striking picture of the state of France: "All the generation," said he, "which is now in the vigour of age, has slept under the tent; the artizan in his work-shop, the merchant in his counting-house, the labourer in his cottage, talk over their battles, and look round again for the chiefs who shewed them the path to glory. What is their surprise, when they see all military honours bestowed on men who have done nothing either for their country without their King, or for their King without their country," (Murmurs.) M. Bonald, the high royalist, concei ved that France must bear the penalties of that situation from which she had not been able to save herself. "From the excess of the evil," said he, "arises the remedy: France cannot perish. If this eldest daughter of civilization could be blotted from the list of nations, all Europe would not fill the void left by its absence; all its states, sooner or later, would sink into the abyss which they had opened."

In the course of the discussion, M. Ganilh, in estimating the power of France, to bear the proposed contribu

ing the considerable amount of this sum, its object was so dear to the French people, that not a single orator spoke against it; and the proposal was carried by 162 votes, out of 179 that were present.

By the Convention of 20th November 1815, the military occupation of France by the Allied Sovereigns might extend to five years; but if they should judge it expedient, it might terminate at the end of three. On the same day, a private agreement was entered into by the Sovereigns themselves, according to which, this measure was only to be decided at a general Congress of themselves or their ministers. The withdrawing of a fifth of the army of occupation, had already announced the feeling of security which was beginning to arise in the Allied Sovereigns; and when a general congress at Aix-laChapelle was announced for the close of the present year, little doubt was entertained in Europe of this subject being at least to be brought under consideration. Had there been any, it must have been removed by the last proceedings of the Chamber of Depu. ties, which clearly indicated the expectations held out on this subject to the French monarch..

On the 25th September, the ministers of the different powers were al ready assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle. The King of Prussia arrived on the 26th, the Emperors of Russia and Austria on the 28th. The Sovereigns of France and England appeared only by their ministers, the former by the Duke de Richelieu, the latter by Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of Welling. ton, whose personal fame gave him a consideration equal to that of the sovereigns. It had been previously arranged, that all the formalities by which diplomatic intercourse on such occasions could be obstructed, and which consumed more time than the most serious discussions, should be en

tirely omitted; and that the sovereigns and ministers should meet and confer in the same manner as any private persons doing business together.

The grand question, which related to the evacuation of France, was very quickly decided. There is little doubt, indeed, that it had been already privately agreed upon between the courts, and only waited a final ratification. Serious remonstrances are indeed said to have been made from some quarters, as to the dangers which such a step might involve; but the decided opinion of the Emperor of Russia, who held so prominent a place in the con federacy, over-ruled every objection. A partial evacuation, proposed by some, was justly rejected, as keeping alive all the irritation, while it lessened the security; not even a fortress was to be retained. The decision was fi nally formed on the 2d October,-announced at Paris on the 5th,—and the Convention for the evacuation of France signed at Paris on the 9th. By this act, the arrears of the war contribution were fixed at 265 millions of francs (11,040,000l. sterling), of which 100 millions were to be discharged by annuities, payable out of the French funds, and the remainder by monthly instalments, to be paid through the houses of Hope and Baring. The next object of consideration was understood to be, to provide some security against France disappointing the expectations formed of it, and resuming a warlike and revolutionary attitude. This fear appeared somewhat more urgent than before, in consequence of the agitation which had manifested itself on occasion of the new elections. The formal renewal of the quadruple alliance, of 20th November 1815, was mentioned; but this measure, besides being in a great degree nugatory, was objected to as hostile and offensive to France, particularly to the King, who was himself considered,

by the potentates concerned, as one of their allies. At length, it was determined to emit a declaration, signed by the ministers of all the powers; and which, with the other documents, will be found in the Appendix. It proclaims the principles upon which the allied powers are determined to act, the intimate union which subsists between them, their determination to adhere to the principles of justice and the law of nations; and to maintain, by every possible means, the tranquillity of Europe.

The sovereigns of Russia and Prussia, after having dispatched the main business of the Congress, employed the days from the 20th to the 24th October in reviews of their troops,

which were manoeuvred by the Duke of Wellington. They then, in compliment to the King of France, paid a hasty visit to Paris. Although the Emperor of Russia attempted to travel incognito, he was soon recognized, and received every where with the loudest acclamations. After an afternoon's stay in Paris, and an interview of one hour with the King, he returned to Aix-la-Chapelle.

The new elections, and the opening of the Chambers, took place as usual, at the close of the year; but in order to exhibit a connected view of the session, we shall, as before, delay entering upon its proceedings till the next volume.

SPAIN presented, during the present year, an aspect of outward tranquillity. The enemies of the existing order, discouraged by the abortive result of all attempts to subvert it, appeared to have desisted from all further enterprizes. The elements of the coming tempest fomented in gloomy silence; but to a superficial observer, Spain seemed quietly submitting to the yoke of Ferdinand. The dark and bigotted system adopted by this infatuated prince, was carried every day to a greater height. The Inquisition was restored to all its plenitude of power; every thing connected with education and with public instruction, was placed under its sole superintendence; all its old privileges and jurisdiction, including even the right of asylum, were restored to the church. In the course of the year, however, some small mitigation took place in the severity of the laws against exiled Spaniards. By an amnesty, published on the 15th February, the sentence of banishment was continued only against those, who, under new commissions, or a continua

tion of the old, should have served the French government in any of the higher civil departments, and in the army down to the rank of captain; also against those, who should in any shape have aided it by writing. It is stated, that the goods of those offenders might justly be forfeited, yet the clemency of the sovereign orders them to be given to the nearest relations, on condition of their paying half of the income into the public treasury, and alimenting the emigrant proprietor. All other exiles were allowed to return, within the period of six months, and to be reinstated in their property, though not in their offices or decorations.

The circumstance, which pressed most immediately on the Spanish government, was the embarrassed state of its finances. The largest incumbrance consisted of what was called the Royal Vales, a floating debt, of nearly fifteen millions sterling, which, as it bore no interest, and as there was little prospect of its liquidation, had been grievously depreciated. A decree, published 3d April, admitted the