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Pitt, having received certain intelligence that the family-compact was signed between France and Spain, and that the latter was about to join France against us, thought it necessary to prevent her by commencing hostilities first. Having communicated this opinion in the privy-council, the other ministers urged that they would think twice before they declared war against that kingdom.

"I will not give them leave to think (replied Mr Pitt); this is the time, let us crush the whole house of Bourbon. But if the members of this board are of a different opinion, this is the last time I shall ever mix in its councils. I was called into the ministry by the voice of the people, and to them I hold myself answerable for my conduct. I am to thank the ministers of the late king for their support; I have served my country with success; but I will not be responsible for the conduct of the war any longer than while I have the direction of it." To this bold declaration, the lord who then presided in council made the following reply. "I find the gentleman is determined to leave us; nor can I say that I am sorry for it, since he would otherwise have certainly compelled us to leave him. But if he is resolved to assume the right of advising his majesty, and directing the operations of the war, to what purpose are we called to this council? When he talks of being responsible to the people, he talks the language of the house of commons, and forgets that at this board he is responsible only to the king. However, though he may possibly have convinced himself of his infallibility, still it remains that we should be equally convinced before we can resign our understandings to his direction, or join with him in the measure he proposes."

This conversation, which was followed by Mr Pitt's resignation, is sufficient to show the haughtiness and imperious temper of our minister. However, these very qualities were sometimes productive of great and good consequences, as appears from the following anecdote. -Preparatory to one of the secret expeditions during the war which ended in 1763 the minister had given orders to the different presiding officers in the military, navy, and ordnance departments, to prepare a large body of forces, a certain number of ships, and a proportionable quantity of stores, &c. and to have them all ready against a certain day. To these orders he received an answer from each of the officers, declaring the total impossibility of a compliance with them. Notwithstanding it was then at a very late hour, he sent immediately for his secretary; and after expressing his resentment at the ignorance or negligence of his majesty's servants, he gave the following commands :"I desire, Mr Wood, that you will immediately go to Lord Anson; you need not trouble yourself to search the admiralty, he is not to be found there; you must pursue him to the gaming-house, and tell him from me, that if he does not obey the orders of government, which he has received at my hands, that I will most assuredly impeach him. Proceed from him to Lord Ligonier; and though he should be bolstered with harlots, undraw his curtains, and repeat the same message. Then direct your course to Sir Charles Frederick, and assure him that if his majesty's orders are not obeyed, they shall be the last which he shall receive from me." In consequence of these commands, Mr Wood proceeded to White's, and told his errand to the first lord of the admiralty; who insisted that the secretary of state was out of his senses, VOL. XVI. Part II.

and it was impossible to comply with his wishes: "however, (added he), as madmen must be answered, tell him that I will do my utmost to satisfy him." From thence he went to the commander in chief of the forces, and delivered the same message. He also said that it was an impossible business; and the secretary knows it, (added the old lord): nevertheless, he is in the right to make us do what we can; and what it is possible to do, inform him, shall be done." The surveyor general

of the ordnance was next informed of Mr Pitt's resolution; and, after some little consideration, he began to think that the orders might be completed within the time prescribed. The consequence at last was, that every thing, in spite of impossibilities themselves, was ready at the time appointed.

After his resignation in 1761, Mr Pitt never had any share in administration. He received a pension of 3000l. a-year, to be continued after his decease, during the survivancy of his lady and son; and this gratuity was dignified with the title of Baroness of Chatham to his lady, and that of Baron to her heirs male. Mr Pitt at that time declined the title of nobility; but in 1766 accepted of a peerage under the title of Baron Pynsent and Earl of Chatham, and at the same time he was appointed lord privy-seal.

This acceptance of a peerage proved very prejudicial to his lordship's character. However, he continued stedfast in his opposition to the measures of administration. His last appearance in the house of lords was on the 2d of April 1778. He was then very ill and much debilitated but the question was important, being a motion of the duke of Richmond to address his majesty to remove the ministers, and make peace with America on any terms. His lordship made a long speech, which had certainly overcome his spirits: for attempting to rise a second time, he fell down in a convulsive fit; and though he recovered for that time, his disorder continued to increase till the 11th of May, when he died at his seat at Hayes. His death was lamented as a national loss. As soon as the news reached the house of commons, which was then sitting, Colonel Barré made a motion, that an address should be presented to his majesty, requesting that the earl of Chatham should be buried at the public expence. But Mr Rigby having proposed the erecting of a statue to his memory, as more likely to perpetuate the sense of his great merits entertained by the public, this was unanimously carried. A bill was soon after passed, by which 4000l. a-year was settled upon John now earl of Chatham, and the heirs of the late earl to whom that title may descend.His lordship was married in 1754 to Lady Hester, sister to the earl of Temple; by whom he had three sons and two daughters.

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Never perhaps was any life so multifarious as that of Lord Chatham; never did any comprise such a number of interesting situations. To bring the scattered features of such a character into one point of view, is an arduous task. The author of the history of his life History has attempted to do it; and with the outlines of what of the Life of William he has said in summing up his character, we shall finish Pitt, Earl our biographical sketch of this wonderful man. of Chat

"One of the first things that strikes us, in the re- ham. collection of Chatham's life, is the superior figure he makes among his contemporaries. Men of genius and attraction, a Carteret, a Townshend, and I had almost + 5 E said

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said a Mansfield, however pleasing in a limited view, appear evidently in this comparison to shrink into narrower dimensions, and walk a humbler circle. All that deserves to arrest the attention, in taking a general survey of the age in which he lived, is comprised in the history of Chatham. No character ever bore the more undisput⚫ ed stamp of originality. Unresenibled and himself, he was not born to accommodate to the genius of his age. While all around him were depressed by the uniformity of fashion, or the contagion of venality, he stood aloof. He consulted no judgment but his own; and he acted from the untainted dictates of a comprehensive soul.

"The native royalty of his mind is eminently conspicuous. He felt himself born to command; and the free sons of Britain implicitly obeyed him. In him was realised the fable of Orpheus; and his genius, his spirit, his eloquence, led millions in his train, subdued the rugged savage, and disarmed the fangs of malignity and envy. Nothing is in its nature so inconsistent as the breath of popular applause: and yet that breath was eminently his during the greater part of his life. Want of success could not divert it; inconsistency of conduct could not change its tenor. The astonishing extent of his views, and the mysterious comprehension of his plans, did not in one respect set him above little things: nothing that was necessary to the execution of his designs was beneath him. In another respect, however, he was infinitely estranged to little things: swallowed up in the business of his country, he did not think of the derangement of his own private affairs; for, though indisposed to all the modes of dissipated expence, his affairs, even when his circumstances were much improved, were always deranged. But the features that seem most eminently to have characterised him, were spirit and intrepidity they are conspicuous in every action and in every turn of his life; nor did this spirit and intrepidity leave him even at the last.

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"The manners of Lord Chatham were easy and bland, his conversation was spirited and gay, and he readily adapted himself to the complexion of those with whom he associated. That artificial reserve, which is the neverfailing refuge of self-diffidence and cowardice, was not made for him. He was unconstrained as artless infancy, and generous as the noon-day sun: yet had he something impenetrable that bung about him. By an irresistible energy of soul, he was haughty and imperious. He was incapable of associating councils, and he was not formed for the sweetest bands of society. He was a pleasing companion, but an unpliant friend.

"The ambition of our hero, however generous in its strain, was the source of repeated errors in his conduct. To the resignation of Lord Carteret, and again, from the commencement of the year 1770, his proceedings were bold and uniform. In the intermediate period they were marked with a versatility, incident only in general to the most flexible minds. We may occasionally trace in them the indecision of a candidate, and the suppleness of a courtier. In a word, he aimed at the impossible task of flattering at once the prejudices of a monarch, and pursuing unremittedly the interests of the people.

"A feature, too, sufficiently prominent in his character, was vanity, or perhaps pride and conscious superiority. He dealt surely somewhat too freely with invective. He did not pretend to an ignorance of his talents, or to manage the display of his important ser

vices. Himself was too often the hero of his tale; and Fitt the successes of the last war the burden of his song * "Patriotism was also the source of some of his im-* Ending perfections. He loved his country too well; or, if that in 1763. may sound absurd, the benevolence at least, that embraces the species, had not sufficient scope in his mind. He once styled himself a lover of honourable war; and in so doing he let us into one trait of his character. The friend of human kind will be an enemy to all war. He indulged too much a puerile antipathy to the house of Bourbon: and it was surely the want of expansive affections that led him to so unqualified a condemnation of American independency.

"But the eloquence of Lord Chatham was one of his most striking characteristics. He far outstripped his competitors, and stood alone the rival of antiquity.

"His eloquence was of every kind. No man excelled him in close argument and methodical deduction: but this was not the style into which he naturally fell. His oratory was unlaboured and spontaneous: he rushed at once upon the subject; and usually illustrated it rather by glowing language and original conception, than by cool reasoning. His person was tall and dignified; his face was the face of an eagle; his piercing eye withered the nerves, and looked through the souls of his opponents; his countenance was stern, and the voice of thunder sat upon his lips: anon, however, he could descend to the easy and the playful. His voice seemed scarcely more adapted to energy and to terror, than it did to the melodious, the insinuating, and the sportive. If, however, in the enthusiasm of admiration, we can find room for the frigidity of criticism, his action seemed the most open to objection. It was forcible, uniform, and ungraceful. In a word, the most celebrated orators of antiquity were in a great measure the children of labour and cultivation. Lord Chatham was always natural and himself."

To the misfortune of letters, and of posterity, it has been said, his lordship never published any thing. Lord Chesterfield says, "that he had a most happy turn for poetry; but it is more than probable that Chesterfield was deceived; for we are told by his biographer that his verses to Garrick were very meagre, and Lord Chatham himself said that he seldom indulged and seldom avowed it. It should seem, then, that he himself set no great value upon it. Perhaps a proper confidence of one's self is essential to all extraordinary merit. Why should we ambitiously ascribe to one mind every species of human excellence? But though he was no poet, it is more than probable, that he would have excelled as much in writing prose as he did in speaking it.

PITT, the Right Honourable William, was the fourthchild of that illustrious orator and consummate statesman, William Pit, the first earl of Chatham, and was born on the 28th of May 1759. Nicholas Pitt, who lived in the reign of Henry VI. was the common ancestor of the noble families of Chatham, Camelford, and Rivers. Thomas Pitt, the first of the name who attained any considerable eminence, was governor of Fort St George in the East Indies, where he purchased, as noticed in the preceding life, for 20,400l. sterling, the extraordinary diamond called the regent, weighing 127 carats, and which was sold to the king of France for the enormous sum of 135,000l. sterling. The diamond it is said, now occupies a conspicuous place in the imperial diadem of Bonaparte,

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Bonaparte. By means of this vast sum he was enabled to purchase a considerable estate in Cornwall; yet his grand-children were poorly provided for, particularly the great earl of Chatham, but what he wanted in opulence was abundantly supplied by the uncommon talents and abilities, which nature conferred upon him in the profusest manner. Although he betook himself for support to the profession of arms, he never rose higher than to the rank of a cornet of horse, of which Sir Robert Walpole, with unexampled meanness, deprived him, because he had the boldness and integrity to oppose his administration. This, however, proved no real obstacle to his preferment in the state, for in the year 1756 he became prime minister.

As the present earl of Chatham was destined for the army, and another son James-Charles for the navy, lord Chatham resolved to train up William to the profession of a statesman. Having therefore confided the care of his other two sons to others, he took William under his own immediate inspection, whose rapid progress cheered the solitude, and illumed the declining days of this extraordinary man, who already began to presage his future greatness. His school exercises were performed under the care of a private tutor, a Mr, afterwards Dr Wilson, while his noble father embraced every opportunity of conversing with him on every interesting topic with the utmost freedom, in order to expand his mind, and mature his judgment. He also made him declaim from a chair or a table, well knowing that the gift of eloquence is a valuable acquisition for a young man who wishes to arrive at eminence, and that it had supplied the deficiencies of fortune in his own person.

It was resolved on, at a proper period, to send William to one of the universities, and on this occasion Cambridge was preferred to Oxford, from a decided opinion entertained by many, that the political doctrines inculcated at the former were more liberal than those usually propagated at the latter. He was accordingly placed under the tuition of Dr Turner of Pembroke Hall. Dr Prettyman, afterwards bishop of Lincoln, also participated in the care of his education, and was his private instructor. During his residence at Cambridge, it appears certain that the morals and conduct of Mr Pitt were unimpeachable, not in the smallest degree contaminated by the powerful example of the young nobility. Here he took his bachelor's degree, and also that of A. M. and acquired such reputation in the university for talents, industry, and propriety of deportment, as proved of great advantage to him in his subsequent pursuits through life.

When Mr Pitt left the university, he was entered at Lincoln's Inn, much about the same time with Mr Addington, whose father had been both the physician and friend of his family, and was enabled to be called to the bar in the space of three years, having received some marks of favour on account of his degree. He made choice of the western circuit as the scene of his first efforts; but having little practice as a lawyer, he had of consequence but little celebrity; and it is probable that he was ill qualified, on the score of patient and laborious investigation, for a pursuit in which nothing great can be accomplished, without the persevering industry of a whole life.

Fortune at this time seemed eager to heap favours upon him of another kind. Being bred a statesman, the

house of commons was of course the place where he was to begin his political career. He was advised by numerous friends to propose himself a candidate for the university of Cambridge, but he failed of success from the want of sufficient influence. Accident, however, brought about what the designs of his friends could not accomplish. The duke of Rutland asked Sir James Lowther (afterwards earl of Lonsdale), if he could possibly make room in any of his boroughs, to bring in his young friend Mr Pitt, who had thus lost his election for Cambridge. He was chosen member for the borough of Appleby. About this time the American war was raging with unabated violence, which Mr Pitt, following the example and advice of his father, reprobated as one of the most shameful and ruinous conflicts of modern times. Having espoused the constitutional and popular side of this important question, his opening talents were displayed to no common advantage, and he was not only regarded as a promising speaker, but destined at some future period to rank high in the councils of his native country. This was truly honourable to so young a man, when it is remembered that one house could then boast of a Rockingham, a Richmond, and a Shelburne, and the other of a Saville, a Dunning, a Burke, a Barré, and a Fox. Yet there was still room for our juvenile orator, and the recollection of the eloquence, the talents, and the meritorious services of his father, contributed greatly to fix the attention of mankind on the deportment of a favourite son.

About this time the extent of the royal prerogative engaged the attention both of the parliament and the public, and a vote of the commons, "that the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished," plainly pointed to an object, whether real or imaginary, which occasioned a considerable degree of discontent. Mr Burke, then in the zenith of his popularity, encouraged by numerous symptoms of jealousy, once more brought forward his plan of economy, which being founded on a progressive retrenchment, appeared admirably calculated to diminish the influence of the crown. It is needless to add that it was opposed by the minister (Lord North), but it was ably supported by Mr Pitt, who forcibly ridiculed every objection that could be brought against it. The bill was rejected after a long debate, but afterwards introduced at a more auspicious period, and to a certain extent carried into effect.

Mr Fox having moved that ministers should immediately take every possible measure for concluding a peace with our American colonies, he was powerfully supported by Mr Pitt, whose commanding eloquence engaged the whole attention of the house, while he reprobated the cruelty and impolicy of the contest with our colonies. He declared that it was conceived in injustice, nurtured and brought forth in folly, and its footsteps were marked with blood, slaughter, persecution, and devastation. Many handsome compliments were paid him by two eminent judges of real merit, we mean the lord advocate of Scotland (now Viscount Melville), and Mr Wilkes. The former, in particular, declared that his powerful abilities and brilliant eloquence were universally acknowledged proofs, that the astonishing extent and force of an exalted understanding had descended, in an hereditary line, from the late illustrious possessor of them, to a son equally endowed with all the fire, and strength, and grace of oratory. 4 E 2 A

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A more equal representation of the people in parlia ment was one of the principal objects to which the nation directed its attention, next to the American war. It was admitted to be the undoubted prerogative of the crown to declare war; but as the supplies were entrusted to the management of the representatives of the people, it was affirmed by some that ministers could not have carried on a contest accompanied with the waste of so much blood and treasure, had it not been owing to the corruption and venality of parliament. To derive advantage from past experience; to confer on the people their due importance in such a mixed government as that of Britain, and restore the constitution to its original purity, became by this time the grand object of Mr Pitt's exertions. He was as yet untainted by the fascinating charms of power and authority, and considered a well-earned fame as the best, the only reward of his laudable endeavours. He accordingly brought the principles and conduct of his opponents to such a test as they successfully employed against himself, in order to wound his feelings, and convict him of inconsistency, by turn、ing his back on his once favourite sentiments. When many cities and counties endeavoured to obtain a reform in parliament, Mr Pitt actually sat in a convention of delegates, met together in the neighbourhood of the place where the legislature held its sittings.

The American war in the mean time was drawing to a termination, and the spoils of the office of the former minister became the reward of those who opposed him. During the short existence of the Rockingham administration, contractors were excluded from the house of commons; officers belonging to the customs and excise were declared unqualified to vote at elections; the proceedings respecting the Middlesex election were rescinded and while a more liberal policy was adopted with regard to Ireland, many superfluous offices were abolished in England by means of a reform bill, which tended powerfully to destroy corruption. Many more important reforms would have been accomplished, had not the death of the distinguished Rockingham brought about great and sudden changes.

Mr Fox retired in consequence of new arrangements, and Lord Shelburne, as first lord of the treasury, made choice of Mr Pitt as chancellor of the exchequer, who declared, although only 23 years of age, that he would accept of no inferior office. Peace now seemed to be an object generally desireable at any rate, and without much regarding what sacrifices might be made in order to procure it; but the terms met with powerful opposition from two men formerly considered as mortal enemies, viz. Lord North and Mr Fox, the latter of whom retired from office, Soon after the dismission of Mr Fox, Mr Pitt again brought forward the question respecting a reform in parliament, which he fondly hoped would be the means of restoring him to his wonted popularity, and pave the way to the increase of his power. He therefore submitted three different motions to the consideration of the house; but although in these motions he was ably supported, he was left in a minority.

The coalition ministry, as it was called, had still a considerable majority in parliament, notwithstanding the popularity belonging to the name and talents of Mr Pitt, but the celebrated India bill was productive of a change. This bill owed its origin to Mr Burke, but it received a regular and systematical opposition from the ex-chan

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cellor of the exchequer. It was carried, however, in Pita the house of commons by a great majority, but in the house of lords it was opposed by the duke of Richmond, Lord Thurlow, and Earl Temple (afterwards marquis of Buckingham); and on the 17th of December 1783, it was finally rejected by a majority of 19.

The king in the mean time determined on an entire change of administration, and the two secretaries were informed on the 18th of December 1783, about 12 o'clock at night, that his majesty had no further occasion for their services. In consequence of this change, the important offices of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer were bestowed on Mr Pitt, who thus became prime minister before he was full 24 years of age. Thurlow was created lord chancellor, the duke of Richmond keeper of the privy seal; the marquis of Caermarthen and Lord Sidney were chosen secretaries of state, and Mr Dundas, treasurer of the navy. Much about this time Mr Pitt brought forward a new bill for the better government of India. He proposed that a board of controul should be instituted, the nomination of whose members was to be vested in the crown, and to them the dispatches of the company were to be submitted. He also proposed that the appointment of the commander in chief should belong to his majesty, and having thus secured the political interests of the company, he left those of a commercial nature entirely to the court of directors. This bill, after a short debate, was rejected by a majority of eight. Such was the present temper of the house of commons, that a coalition or immediate dissolution became absolutely necessary; and the former having been unsuccessfully attempted, the latter was suddenly adopted, on the 25th of March 1784. Mr Pitt having been returned for the university of Cambridge, again brought forward his bill in an amended state for the regulation of India, and carried it in triumph through both houses of parliament. The remaining part of the session gave birth to an act for the better prevention of smuggling, and the commutation act, by virtue of which certain duties were transferred from tea to windows.

When Mr Alderman Sawbridge (June 16th 1784) made a motion for inquiring into the present state of the commons of Great Britain in parliament, Mr Pitt, whose political sentiments bad undergone a revolution, felt himself considerably embarrassed, as he was reminded that he had brought forward questions on the same subject upon a former occasion. Mr Pitt, however, declined it, on account of the pressure of public business, and observed that, in his opinion, the present was not the proper time for bringing forward the question, and that it might be urged with greater probability of success on some fature occasion. He did not wish it to be discussed in a precipitate manner, yet the business itself should have every support he was able to afford it.

Having now attained the summit of power and influ ence as prime minister, Mr Pitt exercised every function of his important office, without any check or controul. Possessed of a great majority in both houses of parliament, as well as in the cabinet, his whole deportment in the language of his opponents, seems to have become lofty in the extreme; and he paid little or no regard to that popularity which he had formerly courted.

A commercial treaty about this time was entered into with France, the terms of which have been generally acknowledged

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acknowledged to be advantageous to Britain. Mr Pitt, who deserves great credit for giving the plan his countenance, adopted, much about the same time, another respecting the finances, from which he derived a high degree of reputation; and, as he pointed at a period when the national debt might, in all probability, be extinguished, the country, if it was not altogether satisfied, appeared to be at least contented under his administration: and it is not a little to the credit of his financial system, that his opponents, when in power, not only approved, but adopted and extended it.

In this manner a commercial country began again to flourish, by turning its attention to the arts of peace; but, during his administration, its prosperity was threatened to be interrupted by the preparation for an attack upon Russia at one time, and by an open rupture with Spain at another, relative to Nootka Sound. In both cases the blow was warded off by negociation, and a good understanding restored. The restoration of the stadtholder, by the intervention of a Prussian army, and his strenuous opposition of the prince of Wales's appointment to the regency during the king's indisposition, were also two important measures pursued and discussed in the course of his ministry.

Soon after the commencement of the French revolution, Mr Pitt deemed a war with that country inevitable. But for a full detail of the events of this war, see BRITAIN. Having held the reins of government during 18 years, Mr Pitt, and all the members of the cabinet, suddenly retired from office in 1801. On this occasion all parties appeared to rejoice at the appointment of Mr Addington; and France, from that moment, as some assert, seemed to have neither friends nor advocates in this island. When the articles of the treaty of Amiens were debated in the house of commons, Mr Pitt defended the new minister with the whole force of his abilities and influence.

On the 15th of March 1804, Mr Pitt made a direct attack on the administration; and the admiralty board was accused by him of imbecility. He zealously sup ported Mr Fox's proposition relative to the Irish militia bill for the national defence, which was lost on a division. The minister's majority having dwindled to 37, on the army of reserve suspension bill, Mr Addington and some of his friends retired, and the ex-minister resumed his former seat. When parliament met on the 15th of January 1805, Mr Pitt warmly defended the war with Spain; and, on the motion for an address, he had a majority of 207.

But, in the mean time, a gouty habit, the predisposing causes of which appear to have been hereditary, and which, perhaps, was increased by his own manner of living, seized on a constitution never very strong. It is alleged, by his opponents, that this, combined with the miscarriage of his schemes, and the aspect of affairs on the continent, preyed so much upon his mind, that he is said to have died of a broken heart, at his house near Putney, between four and five on Wednesday morning, January 23. 1806, in the 47th year of his

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of wealth must be admired. In 20 years his debts amounted only to 40,000l. They were paid out of the public purse. The house of commons also passed a vote, that the expences of his funeral, and a monument to his memory, should be defrayed by the nation. PITTACUS, a native of Mitylene in Lesbos, was one of the seven wise men of Greece: his father's name was Hyrradius. With the assistance of the sons of Alcæus, he delivered his country from the oppression of the tyrant Melanchrus; and in the war which the Athenians waged against Lesbos, he appeared at the head of his countrymen, and challenged to single combat Phrynon the enemy's general. As the event of the war seemed to depend upon this combat, Pittacus had recourse to artifice; and when he engaged, he entangled his adversary in a net which he had concealed under his shield, and easily dispatched him. He was amply rewarded for this victory; and his countrymen, sensible of his merit, unanimously appointed him governor of their city with unlimited authority. In this capacity Pittacus behaved with great moderation and prudence; and after he had governed his fellow-citizens with the strictest justice, and after he had established and enforced the most salutary laws, he voluntarily resigned the sovereign power after having enjoyed it for 10 years, observing that the virtues and innocence of private life were incompatible with the power and influence of a sovereign. His disinterestedness gained him many admirers; and when the Mityleneans wished to reward his public services by presenting him with an immense tract of territory, he refused to accept more land than what should be contained in the distance to which he he could throw a javelin. He died in the 70th year of his age, about 579 years before Christ, after he had spent the last 10 years of his life in literary case and peaceful retirement.

The following maxims and precepts are ascribed to Pittacus: The first office of prudence is to foresee threatening misfortunes, and prevent them. Power discovers the man. Never talk of your schemes before they are executed; lest, if you fail to accomplish them, you be exposed to the double mortification of disappointment and ridicule. Whatever you do, do it well. Do not that to your neighbour which you would take ill from him. Be watchful for opportunities.

Many of his maxims were inscribed on the walls of Apollo's temple at Delphi, to show to the world how great an opinion the Mityleneaus entertained of his abilities as a philosopher, a moralist, and a man. By one of his laws, every fault committed by a man when intoxicated deserved double punishment.

PITTENWEEM, a small town situated on the frith of Forth, towards the eastern extremity of the county of Fife in North Britain. It takes its name from a small cave in the middle of it, anciently called a weem; and is remarkable for nothing but the ruins of a religious house, which is sometimes called an abbey and sometimes a priory. Which of these is the proper denomination it is hardly worth while to inquire; but it appears from the arms of the monastery, still preserved over the principal gate, that the superior, by whatever title he was called, had the privilege of wearing a mitre. This edifice, which seems never to have been large, was, with other monuments of mistaken piety, alienated from the church at the Reformation; and what parts of it now remain

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