18. 6d. a-day, is one of the most notorious beggars who infest the town. A Greenwich pensioner of 77. a-year gets from 5s. to 10s. for writing begging letters.

The last description of beggars that remain for your Committee to take notice of, are those who seek charity by letters.

Some thousand applications by letters are made for charity to ladies, noblemen, and gentlemen, in the metropolis: two thousand on an average were within the knowledge of one individual, who was employed to make inquiries.

Some were from persons receiving pensions as sailors or soldiers, or from the public companies.

Several persons subsist by writing letters; one woman profits by the practice, who receives a guinea a-week as a legacy from a relation, and has laid out 2001. in the funds. Letters have been written by the same person in five or six different hands.

Persons who write begging letters are called twopenny-post beggars, and profit considerably by the practice.

Petitions carried about frequently obtain money; many persons live by writing these letters.

A man who keeps a school writes begging letters for 2d. each.

A gross imposition detected, that was attempted in a begging letter.

The vagrant act evaded by persons resorting to begging by letters. A person who has been an attorney's clerk much employed in writing such letters.

The facts here stated having impressed upon your Committee a clear conviction of the extent of the practices of mendicity in various ways in the metropolis, and having brought under their view the magnitude and pernicious consequences of the evil, they next thought it their duty to inquire what corrections had been applied;

and it will be seen how ineffectual those have generally been where they were attempted.

Before they proceed, however, to do that, they think it right to observe, that

The frequent resort to gin shops is stated as a means of encouraging beggars in their practice.

And that lotteries have reduced some to want.

On the other hand, Sunday schools are stated to have produced a most beneficial effect on the morals and habits of the lower order of the people.

The sturdy beggars are sent to Bridewell, but are turned loose again.

Beggars are sent to Bridewell for merely begging; if insolent for a month, the city parish officer sends them always out of his district.

The chaplain of Bridewell, who appears to have been not merely attentive to the duty required of him, but with much zeal to have exceeded that, states, that in the course of fourteen years, there were not six instances of persons having been reformed by having been committed to Bridewell. He mentioned one of a woman having been committed there thirty-nine times, for a week, a fortnight, or a month; and others a great number of times.

Beggars are not reformed in Bridewell; too short a time there.

Apprentices have been committed to Bridewell two or three times; but not many instances of that.

Vain attempts at reform of women. In ten days or a fortnight after the beggars from Bridewell are passed into the country, they are on their hands again.

It appears from the whole of this evidence, that a uniform and active exercise of the duty of the magistrates would go far to clear the streets of the metropolis; but if the mendicants, when removed by the justices, shall be allowed to go where they please in the

country, the evil will only be transferred there, where the nuisance of their practices is as intolerable as in the capital.

There is clear evidence that when they are sent on their way to their parishes, they escape and disperse after the first stage.

Beggars who have been passed to their parishes, frequently return.

Reference has been had to the evidence of the person who contracts for conveying the beggars from the metropolis, to shew, that he conveys annually from 12,000 to 13,000 in a year; many times the same persons who have returned to the capital.

The legal authority for repressing the practices so justly complained of, and so clearly proved to exist, appears apparently to be confined to the provisions of the 17th Geo. II. c. 5. generally called the vagrant act; no instances appear where the magistrates have acted under any other.

That act professes to divide the vagrants into three classes-idle and disorderly persons, rogues and vagabonds, and incorrigible rogues; allotting different punishments to each, according to the degree of the offence. But the humble mendicant, asking alms in a state of nearly famishing, is included in the first class, and so is liable to commitment to the house of correction, in like manner as the sturdy and insolent beggar, living in a state of comparative luxury, is: "All persons going about from door to door, or placing themselves in streets, highways, or passages, to beg or gather alms, in the parishes or places where they dwell, shall be deemed idle and disorderly persons; and it shall be lawful for any justice of the peace to commit such offenders to the house of correction, to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding one month." If such persons shall resist being carried to the house of correction, they

are to be subject to the said punishments as rogues and vagabonds; and a reward of ten shillings is payable to any one, whether parish officers or not, who shall take up such persons.

MEMORIAL

To the American, Senate and House of Representatives on African Coloni

zation.

THE President and Board of Managers of the American Colonization Society respectfully represent, that being about to commence the execution of the object to which their views have been long directed, they deem it proper and necessary to address themselves to the legislative council of their country. They trust that this object will be considered in itself of great national importance, will be found inseparably connected with another, vitally affecting the honour and interest of this nation, and leading in its consequences to the most desirable results.

Believing that examination and reflection will shew that such are its connexions and tendency, they are encouraged to present themselves, and their cause, where they know that a public measure, having these advantages, cannot fail to receive all the countenance and aid it may require.

The last census shews the number of free people of colour of the United States, and their rapid increase. Supposing them to increase in the same ratio, it will appear how large a proportion of our population will, in the course of even a few years, consist of persons of that description.

No argument is necessary to shew that this is very far indeed from constituting an increase of our physical strength; nor can there be a population, in any country, neutral as to its

effects upon society. The least observation shews, that this description of persons are not, and cannot be, either useful or happy among us; and many considerations, which need not be mentioned, prove, beyond dispute, that it is best for all the parties interested that there should be a separation; that those who are now free, and those who may become so hereafter, should be provided with the means of attaining to a state of respectability and happiness, which it is certain they have never yet reached, and therefore can never be likely to reach in this country.

Several of the states, deeply interested in this subject, have already applied to the general government; and concurring in the views of your memorialists, both from considerations of justice towards themselves and humanity to the coloured people, have expressed to the general government, their desire that a country should be procured for them in the land of their forefathers, to which such of them as should choose to avail themselves of the opportunity might be removed. It has been the one single object of the society, which your memorialists represent, to effect this end. They have made the most cautious and particular inquiries as to the practicability of such a plan, and its prospects of success, both in this country and in Africa; and they are warranted in declaring, that there are no difficulties which they do not confidently expect will be easily overcome by a moderate exertion of discretion and perseverance.

In this country, and in almost every part of it, they have found a zealous and decided approbation expressed, both in words and deeds, by a vast majority of all classes of our citizens; and this sentiment is continually increasing as the measure becomes more the subject of discussion and reflection. Its importance all admit ; and its prac

ticability, though doubted by many at first, is daily less questioned.

The two last Reports of the Society, to which your memorialists beg leave to refer, shew the success of their mission to Africa, and the result of their inquiries upon that continent. From those it is manifest that a situation can be readily obtained, favourable to commerce and agriculture, in a healthy and fertile country, and that the natives are well disposed to give every encouragement to the establishment of such a settlement among them. Thus it appears, that an object of great national concern, already expressly desired by some of the states, and truly desirable to all, receiving also the approbation of those upon whom it is more immediately to operate, is brought within our reach.

But this subject derives, perhaps, its chief interest from its connexion with a measure which has already, to the honour of our country, occupied the deliberation of the Congress of the United States.

Your memorialists refer with pleasure to the act passed at the last ses sion of Congress, supplementary to the act formerly passed for the suppression of the slave trade. The means afforded, by the provisions of that act, for the accomplishment of its object, are certainly great; but the total extirpation of this disgraceful trade can not, perhaps, be expected from any measures which rely alone upon the employment of a maritime force, however considerable.

The profits attending it are so extraordinary, that the cupidity of the unprincipled will still be tempted to continue it, as long as there is any chance of escaping the vigilance of the cruisers engaged against them. From the best information your memorialists have been able to obtain of the nature, causes, and course of this trade, and of

the present situation of the coast of Africa, and the habits and dispositions of the natives, they are well assured that the suppression of the African slave-trade, and the civilization of the natives, are measures of indispensable

connexion.

Such an opinion has been avowed many years ago, by those best acquainted with this subject, and experience has abundantly confirmed it.

The documents and papers which your memorialists had heretofore the honour of presenting to Congress, and those contained in the late Reports of the society, prove this position.

Since the establishment of the English settlement at Sierra Leone, the slave-trade has been rapidly ceasing upon that part of the coast.

Not only the kingdoms in its immediate neighbourhood, but those upon the Sherbro and Bagroo rivers, and others with whom the people of that settlement have opened a communication, have been prevailed upon to abandon it, and are turning their attention to the ordinary and innocent pursuits of civilized nations.

That the same consequences will result from similar settlements cannot be doubted. When the natives there see that the European commodities, for which they have been accustomed to exchange their fellow-beings, until vast and fertile regions have become almost depopulated, can be more easily and safely obtained by other pursuits, can it be believed that they will hesitate to profit by the experience? Nor will the advantages of civilization be alone exhibited. That religion, whose mandate is "peace on earth, and good-will towards men," will "do its errand;" will deliver them from the bondage of their miserable superstitions, and display the same triumphs which it is achieving in every land.

That such points of settlement would diffuse their light around the coast, and gradually dispel the darkness which has so long enshrouded that continent, would be a reasonable hope, and would justify the attempt, even if experience had not ascertained its success. Although, therefore, much may be effected by the vigilant operations of a well-disposed naval force, it is to be feared that much will always remain to be done, until some degree of civilization is attained by the inhabitants of the coast of Africa. The present measures, therefore, for the suppression of the slave trade, if unconnected with others for the improvement of the natives, must be long continued, and the effects produced by them will be partial, tedious, and uncertain; and the least relaxation of this vigilance will revive it.

But those measures, and all others involving expense and labour, may be withdrawn, as soon as these establishments upon the coast become strong enough to participate in the contest against avarice and inhumanity, and shall obtain from their evident advantages over the natives a proper influence among them. And here your memorialists beg leave, respectfully, to suggest their fears, that many of the profligate adventurers in this trade will evade the search of our cruisers by their artful contrivances in disguising their national character. We have reason to believe that the slave-ships of other nations assume the flag and character of Americans to evade the search of British cruizers. Is it not, therefore, to be expected, that the act lately passed will often be defeated by American slave-ships assuming a foreign flag and character? A careful consideration of this subject has convinced us, that all our efforts will be insufficient to accomplish their purposes, unless some friendly arrangement can

be made among the maritime powers of the world, which shall leave no shelter to those who deserve to be considered and treated as the common enemies of mankind.

Whether a permission, under any modification, to certain specified ships, or in certain latitudes, to search and seize slave-ships under our flag, such as Great Britain and other European powers have mutually given to each other, can be properly granted by our government, we cheerfully leave to the wisdom and justice of Congress to determine. Your memorialists will only express their hope and belief, that your deliberations upon this interesting subject will enable you to discern a way, without any compromisement of our national honour, by which our country may be placed among the foremost and most efficient assertors of the rights of humanity. But your memorialists humbly consider, that the colonization of Africa offers the most powerful and indispensable auxiliary to the means already adopted, for the extermination of a trade, which is now exciting, in every country, that just indignation which has been long since felt and expressed in this.

No nation has it so much in its power to furnish proper settlers for such establishments as this; no nation has so deep an interest in thus disposing of them. By the law passed at the last session, and before referred to, the captives who may be taken by our cruizers from the slave-ships are to be taken to Africa, and delivered to the custody of agents appointed by the President. There will then be a settlement of captured negroes upon the coast, in consequence of the measures already adopted. And it is evidently most important, if not necessary to such a settlement, that the civilized people of colour, of this country, whose industry, enterprize, and knowledge of

agriculture and the arts, would render them most useful assistants, should be connected with such an establishment.

When, therefore, the object of the Colonization Society is viewed in connexion with that entire suppression of the slave-trade which your memorialists trust it is resolved shall be effected, its importance becomes obvious and extreme. The beneficial consequences resulting from success in such a measure it is impossible to calculate. To the general cause of humanity it will afford the most rich and noble contribution; and for the nation that regards that cause, that employs its power in its behalf, it cannot fail to procure a proportionate reward. It is by such a course that a nation insures to itself the protection and favour of the Governor of the world. Nor are there wanting views and considerations, arising from our peculiar political institutions, which would justify the sure expectation of the most signal blessings to ourselves from the accomplishment of such an object. If one of these consequences shall be the gradual and almost imperceptible removal of a national evil, which all unite in lamenting, and for which, with the most intense, but hitherto hopeless anxiety, the patriots and statesmen of our country have laboured to discover a remedy, who can doubt that, of all the blessings we may be permitted to bequeath to our descendants, this will receive the richest tribute of their thanks and veneration?

Your memorialists cannot believe that such an evil, universally acknowledged and deprecated, has been irremovably fixed upon us. Some way will always be opened by Providence, by which a people, desirous of acting justly and benevolently, may be led to the attainment of a meritorious object. And they believe, that of all the plans that the most sagacious and discerning