Imatges de pàgina
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many members of the Confederation, but by the powerful influence of the Emperor of Russia. Austria was therefore obliged, in a certain degree, to yield. It was declared, that there ought to be assemblies of States in every country belonging to the Confederation, and that the Diet should take care that this principle was carried into effect. They were not, however, to interfere in regard to the form of government which might be established. Existing constitutions were guaranteed, or at least care was to be taken that they should only be changed in a constitutional manner. It was, how ever, provided, that in the states ruled by sovereign princes, as were most of those belonging to the Confederation, the whole sovereign power should remain united in the head of the government, a principle which might evidently admit of being pushed rather too far. It was also stipulated, that nothing in the interior constitution of a state should obstruct the monarch in the execution of the duties imposed upon him by the federative union. The liberty of the press also, in the countries where it was allowed, was to be so regulated, as not to interrupt the security of the neighbouring

states.

In regard to nations without the pale of the Confederation, the Diet was to have defensive measures only in view. For this purpose, it had power to declare war, to make peace, to contract alliances, and negociate treaties of every kind. The negociations were to be entrusted to a committee, which was to name plenipo tentiaries for the purpose of carrying them on. When war had been declared by the Diet, no single power could enter into treaty with the enemy. The Confederation were to defend any one of their members which was injured or attacked by an extraneous power; but they were to take

particular care that the member himself had not, by his own blame, involved himself in the quarrel. That the Confederation might duly execute its functions, the fortresses of Mentz, Landau, and Luxemburg, were put into its hands, but Wirtemberg obtained an abandonment of the plan for adding Ulm to this number.

The Congress of Vienna had appointed a commission, to consider the means of removing those obstructions to the free navigation of the Rhine, which arose from the variety of different states through whose territories it passed. The chief obstacle arose from the kingdom of the Netherlands, which commanded all the mouths of the river, and being able to impose what duties it pleased upon goods coming down, before they could reach the ocean, rendered nugatory the taking off those levied in the upper part of its course. The refusal of this power to enter into any engagement upon the subject, furnished a pretence to the King of Prussia to impose additional duties of transit at Cologne, and to decline acceding to the system, unless it could be rendered complete. Thus the whole of this useful project proved finally abortive.

The prohibitory commercial system, for which there was such a rage in Europe, was not, in its pernicious effects, so immediately felt by those countries, whose extent afforded them the means of a great internal trade. But in the small states of Germany, it paralysed almost entirely every branch of national industry. With this view, a commercial Congress, under the auspices of the Diet, had been formed. Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse, Saxony, and some other states, united for the purpose of arranging free intercourse among themselves, and thus obtaining the advantages, at least, of a great state. The Congress having

rity of nineteen; but when the question was carried to the First, or Upper Chamber, an evasive vote was passed on the subject. Hereupon, sharp discussions arose between the two Chambers, which were only terminated by the Commons insisting, that, according to a provision made by the constitution, the votes of the two Chambers should be counted to

met at Darmstadt, drew up an act of union, by which interior customs were abolished, and one uniform system of duties on the frontiers of the Confederations imposed. Prohibitory duties were only adopted, even against foreign states, when these last excluded the productions of the soil and industry of Germany. When this excellent proposal was referred to the Diet, that body, instead of welcoming it accord-gether. The result of this process was ing to its merits, declared that the subject was so important and so complicated, that they required an exact knowledge of the obstacles presented by the various interests concerned; and all they did at present was to demand from the different States an enumeration of the various duties levied by them on foreign commodities. By this empty and dilatory measure, the benefits which might have resulted to the German states, from the adoption of so excellent a system, were postponed to an indefinite period.

Considerable attention was attracted during this year by the proceedings of the Constitutional States of Germany. In Bavaria, indeed, no assembly was held, and its history is not distinguished by any events of importance. In Wirtemberg, the States met on the 20th January, and were opened with warm expressions of mutual confidence between the Prince and the people. On the subject of the finances, a species of contest arose. A party in the Second Chamber, or that of the Commons, called for an account of the manner in which the former revenue had been employed. The ministers replied, that as this was not customary under the former arbitrary regime, they were not prepared to render it for the past; they solicited merely the vote of the existing taxes for the rest of the present year. After very warm debates of several days, the vote was carried by a majo

the acceptance of the ministers' proposition. Ministers carried also, by a large majority, the vote of 3300 soldiers, which some wished to reduce to 2300. The States, however, solicited changes in the distribution of the taxes, in their mode of collection, as well as reform and reduction in the appointments of public functionaries. These representations were received by the King in a manner perfectly gracious. The revenue for the preceding year had amounted to ten millions of florins, which, however, was half a million short of the expenditure.

The Chambers adjourned on the 20th June, and met again on the 2d December, chiefly with the view of fixing the triennial budget. A serious dissension, however, arose, in consequence of that class of nobles, who were called Mediatised, refusing to attend, unless certain privileges which they demanded, were granted to them. The consequence was, that the number actually present in the Upper Chamber fell short of that required by law, to entitle them to deliberate. After waiting some time in vain for a fuller attendance, the Commons proceeded to business, in hopes of terrifying the absentees, by shewing them that legislative measures could be carried on without them. The latter, however, stood firm; and the King, unwilling to see the matter pushed to extremities, prorogued the

States on the 19th till the 22d of January, in hopes, before that time, of arranging the difference amicably.

The States of Baden also met on the 25th June. The formerly prevailing agitation inspired an apprehension that its debates might be stormy. In fact, on the very threshold, a serious question arose. Several of the deputies, who had taken the most active part against the government in the former session, were not present; a circumstance which was soon understood to be caused by the want of letters of convocation from the King, which they had in vain solicited. It was evident, that representation would soon be a mere form, if such a practice were admitted. The ministers urged, that these members had public functions to fulfil, which would suffer by their absence. Finding, however, that the sentiments of the assembly were loudly declared against the measure, they endeavoured to temporize, by proposing, that, whenever the choice of the electors should fall upon a public functionary, a supplementary member should be elected, whom the government might have it in their choice to call to the Chamber. As this proposition, however, was also exceedingly ill received, ministers at length gave up the measure entirely, and announced, that the absent members would receive their letters of convocation. After this, the session passed in the most harmonious manner, and a number of useful laws were enacted.

The duchy of Baden was this year the theatre of the execution of Sand, the assassin of Kotzebue. It took place on the 20th May, in consequence of the sentence of the tribunal of Manheim, and in the neighbourhood of that city. This extraordinary fanatic continued to gild his crime by the display of a species of heroism. His whole behaviour exhibited the

triumphant resignation of a martyr; and he declared, with his last breath, that he died for his country. A crowd of students being expected from Heidelberg, the execution was made to take place earlier than the hour appointed. When the students arrived, the head was already severed from the body, but many of them eagerly dipped their handkerchiefs in the blood.

The territory of Hesse Darmstadt was the theatre of more striking events, this year being marked by the first establishment of a constitutional regime. The call for it had been loud, and had been accompanied even with tendencies to disorder, which the Grand Duke studied to repress by those severe measures which were so strongly supported by the great powers. At length, however, he de-. termined to redeem the pledge which he had given with peculiar solemnity. On the 24th March, 1820, an edict was published, containing the scheme of the new constitution. The Chambers were indeed composed on a basis nearly similar to that which had been adopted in Bavaria and Baden : but many modifications were introduced, not at all calculated to satisfy the friends of constitutional freedom. If the states should reject the budget, the King was still allowed to levy the taxes during a year, and could call a new assembly, which might be more compliant. A project presented by the King was to have the force of law, provided any one of the two Chambers approved it. The right of petition was restricted within the nat rowest limits; while no provision was made for individual liberty, the freedom of the press, or religious toleration.

There soon appeared throughout the principality a fixed determination to resist the acceptance of such a constitution. Several districts refused to exercise the functions of election at

all, while others gave strict injunctions to their representatives on no account to make oath to the constitution presented by the Grand Duke. Forty-four deputies having met at Darmstadt, were unanimously of opinion, that they could not give an unqualified assent to the constitutional act. Some thought that a conditional oath might be taken, under promise of modifications to be afterwards made in the constitution. A great majority, however, concluded upon presenting a remonstrance to the government, stating, that they were firmly determined not to consider themselves as representatives of the people, nor to sit as such, till the requisite modifications were made. This remonstrance being presented on the 17th June, was met on the 19th by an order of the cabinet, in which it was declared illegal and unconstitutional, and those who signed it were not to be considered as members of the States till they had taken the oath required. As soon, however, as that was done, the modifications, of which the constitution might appear to be susceptible, would be submitted to the States. This order induced four deputies to retract, but there still remained 27, who declared, that they considered themselves bound by circumstances to return their powers into the hands of their constituents, and the greater part of them immediately left the capital. In this dilemma, the government anxiously negociated the means of collecting a sufficient number of deputies, to make a decent opening of the Assembly. They gained over some by lavish promises of future modifications; yet they could not, at the opening on the 27th June, assemble more than 32 out of the 50, which did not form the two-thirds required by the constitutional act. The Assembly, however, under the influence of the court, began its proceedings; and one

of its first acts was to order the elec tion of new deputies, in the room of those who had proved refractory. This measure did not succeed; some refused to re-elect, while others named over again the obnoxious members. The court at length became sensible that only a conciliatory system could extricate it from its present embarrassment. The responsibility of the ministers, the publicity of the sittings, the equality of the citizens in the eye of the law; these boons slowly succeeded each other, and afforded a promise of more; but partial concessions, thus hardly wrung out, never stilled the agitation of the public, but rather made them feel more intensely what they still wanted. At length, the Grand Duke formed the frank and decided resolution of yielding at once all the points in question. On the 14th October, he caused it to be officially declared, that he left in the hands of the States the unlimited right of voting taxes, and trusted entirely to their loyal dispositions. This was immediately followed by a still more important concession. They were invited to form the project of a constitution, in which every necessary security should be given to the rights of the people, and in relation to which the edict of March should be considered only as a provisional measure. This declaration was received with cries of Vivat, three times repeated, and put an end to all the discords which agitated the Chambers and the nation.

After this happy agreement, all the further proceedings of the Chambers were carried on in the most harmonious manner. After long deliberations between the ministers, the council, at whose meetings two of the Princes were present, and a committee of the States, a constitution was agreed upon, including all the bases of solid and rational liberty. Its pub

lication was celebrated throughout the state with great rejoicings, which were only troubled by apprehensions that it would be resisted by the great powers, now more openly declared than ever against new and liberal institutions. It does not appear, however, that any interference was made of the nature apprehended, so

that the session closed under the most favourable auspices. The receipts and expenses were both stated as amounting to within a trifle of six millions of florins, while the public debt amounted to thirteen millions. The civil list was fixed at 800,000 florins.

Prussia laboured during this year un der severe financial embarrassments. According to a rescript of the 17th January, her general expenditure was fixed at 50,860,000 crowns (about 7,780,000l.) The debt was stated at 180,000,000 crowns, and it was necessary, during the present year, to raise a loan of thirty millions, in order to withdraw the paper money from circulation. Notwithstanding the reduction of the army from 250,000 to 160,000, and other diminutions, the national income did not cover its expenditure. To relieve these difficulties, an edict was published, imposing a capitation tax upon all above fourteen, who were not paupers, and a tax upon cattle; two imposts, than which few could have been less judicious or happy. In all these arrangements, the government uniformly referred to the assembly of the States, as the period when a definitive plan would be adopted; but no steps were ever taken, tending towards this long promised assemblage. On the contrary, the most rigorous measures were adopted to repress the movements of the popular party; the free-mason lodges were shut, and no effort spared for the suppression of secret societies; even the custom adopted by the popular associations,

of wearing the old German dress, was strictly prohibited. Professor Juhn, regarded as the head of modern innovators, though no proof of guilt could be established against him, was still kept under confinement; and the universities continued always to be objects of the most jealous and watchful observation.

In the kingdom of the Netherlands, the attention of the public and of the States was chiefly occupied by the state of the finances. After many discussions, the crown prevailed, that the decennial budget should be fixed at 59,875,000 florins, and the annual budget at 21,314,000, making a total of 81,189,000 florins (about 6,765,700l.) The revenues, however, fell short of this by three millions and a half of florins, which it was agreed, on the proposal of the ministry, should be supplied by the temporary expedient of issuing treasury bills.

The session closed on the 13th June, but met again on the 19th October at Brussels. The budget formed again the chief subject of discussion. It appeared that in the two last years there had arisen a deficit of nearly eight millions, which it was proposed to cover by an addition of active debt to that amount. This and the whole financial system were strenuously criticised by the popular leaders, particularly the Count Hoghendorp. They insisted that eighty-one millions of florins formed an amount of taxes which the nation was utterly unable to bear; that the system of a decennial budget enabled many of the most important branches to escape all examination; and that to make an addition in time of peace to the national debt, already intolerable, was a measure deeply to be deprecated. Notwithstanding this opposition, the budget and the measures founded on it, were carried by considerable majorities.

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