origin already rendered him odious, turned their undivided fury against him. He escaped only through the aid of General Coglitore, who received two wounds in endeavouring to protect him; his house was pillaged and burnt. The populace now surprised the forts of Palermo, and seized the arms deposited in them. In the night, however, Naselli, with the government and nobles, rallied their strength, and while they appointed a junta, who were supposed agreeable to the people, took measures to restrain their excesses. The forts were recovered; but in the morning, when attempts were made to recover possession of the arms taken from them, a new struggle ensued. The populace had recourse to the terrible expedient of breaking open the prisons, and letting loose 700 or 800 galley slaves, who were confined there. With this dreadful aid, they gained a complete victory over the royal troops. Prince Cattolica, who had placed himself at their head, was massacred, and General Naselli with difficulty escaped on board the vessels. The whole city was given up to pillage. The carnage on this fatal day is supposed to have amounted to not less than 1500 killed and wounded. During the night, however, the municipality and the respectable citizens again rallied, and chose a junta, at the head of which was placed the Prince of Villa Franca, just returned from Naples, where he had refused to take any constitutional oath to the prejudice of Sicily. The people were soothed by honours decreed to those who had led them on in the last contest, particularly to a monk of the name of Vaglica, who had placed himself at their head. Means were found to induce the convicts to deliver up their arms, and to leave the city; and a general amnesty was granted.

Palermo being thus restored to tranquillity, the first care of the junta was

to proclaim the Spanish constitution, and to order the election of deputies for the Cortes, but only for Sicily as a separate kingdom. At the same time, a deputation of eight, with the Princes of Pantellaria and San Marco at their head, were sent to Naples, to negociate the acceptance of the constitution which Sicily had thus framed for herself. There could not be a more perfect right than that which she had to expect its full recognition. She had been originally a separate kingdom; her independence had been repeatedly and recently recognized by the Kings of Naples; finally, she could claim the same right which the Neapolitans were then exercising, of a people to chuse their own constitution. Every principle, both old and new, both feudal and revolutionary, was decidedly in her favour. We do not say, that her demand was a very wise one, or that the prosperity of both kingdoms might not have been better promoted by union. Still it was by persuasion and negociation only, not by compulsion, that this union could be legitimately effected.

The views of the Neapolitans were very different; and it formed a deadly blot on their new found liberty, that the first use made of it was to tyrannize over their neighbours and fellowsubjects. As soon as tidings arrived of the events in Palermo, the populace rose upon all the Sicilians, who were saved only by being placed under confinement, and carefully guarded.When the Palermitan deputies arrived, they were not allowed to proceed farther than the island of Procida. was there announced to them, that no proposition could be listened to, which was not founded on the entire union of the two kingdoms, and the formation of one legislature. As there appeared no prospect of concession on the other side, force was without hesitation resorted to, and an expedition

It

was prepared to compel the Palermitans to be free in the Neapolitan manner.

One circumstance, which inspired hopes of success, was, that Sicily itself was not unanimous. Two of its districts, Trapani and Messina, preferred union with Naples, and sent in their adhesion. Hereupon, lest any party should be less in the wrong than another, the Palermitans prepared to compel by force of arms these dissentient districts to unite with the general cause of Sicily. A civil war on a small scale was hence kindled in the interior of the kingdom. Thus, all parties in these kingdoms were equally busied, at once in asserting their own in. dependence against foreign aggression, and in subverting the independence of others.

Meantime the Neapolitan government was employed in fitting out the expedition which was to establish its supremacy over Sicily. It amounted to 4000 men, and was placed under the command of General Florestan Pepe, brother of William Pepe, who had taken such an active part in the revolution. Pepe landed near Messina, and proceeding along the coast, successively attacked the different towns which adhered to the Junta of Palermo. Although the resistance was zealous, yet being made by a mere armed multitude hastily assembled against a regular force, it was in almost every instance inefficacious. One town after another opened its gates; and when at length Termini yielded without a struggle, the Palermitan government gave up all hopes of making a successful stand. The Prince of Villa Franca prevailed upon the people to accept the propositions of the Neapolitan general, who accordingly began his march to take possession of the city. Before his arrival, however, an entire change had taken place. The populace, instigated by the monk Vaglica, rose, de

posed the Prince of Villa Franca, dissolved the junta, and having formed a new government under the Prince of Palermo, were prepared to defend themselves to the last extremity. Pepe, finding when he arrived on the 25th September, that there were no hopes of pacific submission, led on his troops to the assault. The feeble barriers of Palermo were forced; the Neapolitans entered the city, and a dreadful conflict began in the streets. The Sicilians gave way at every particular point; but they fortified themselves in the houses and public buildings, and still maintained a vigorous resistance. It was only by giving up the whole city to fire and sword, that Pepe could have achieved its full capture. He withdrew his troops from the place; but whether moved by humanity, or by dread of the result, is not agreed upon by the respective parties. The Palermitans, who chose the latter interpretation, shut their gates, and commenced with new vigour. A severe bombardment somewhat cooled their zeal; and at length a negociation being opened on board the Racer English cutter, it was stipulated, on the 5th October, that the majority of votes in an assembly of the Sicilians legally called, should decide on the future union or separation of the kingdoms. The Neapolitan troops were then allowed to occupy the forts and the city; a new junta was formed, over which the Prince of Paterno still presided; and amity was apparently re-established. How long this continued cannot be shewn, until we have taken a view of some of the events which occurred at Naples.

The elections proceeded with such rapidity, that the national Parliament met on the 1st October. The nominations had been almost entirely in favour of the high constitutional party. The Calderari indeed, a sect origina

ted by individuals expelled from the Carbonari, had endeavoured to obstruct its operations, but without any material success. The King opened the assembly in person, though he still left the executive administration to the Duke of Calabria. In his opening speech, he referred to the modifications which it was left open for Parliament to make, upon. the constitution adopted from Spain. He clearly intimated his wish, that it should be established "on the basis of our ancient institutions, and on the ideas which are familiar to us." No regard was paid to these hints. The constitution was preserved on its original Spanish basis, with the exception of a few modifications that were quite insignificant. In the clause prohibiting the exercise of any religion except the Catholic, the word public was introduced, thereby tacitly allowing the freedom of private worship. The King had already boasted, that Naples had never disgraced herself by religious persecution,

We need not dwell on the ephemeral decisions of this ill-fated convention. The Minister of Finance, in comparing the first six months of the present year with the same period of the last, found a diminution of revenue to the amount of nearly four millions of ducats. This arose from the taking off a large proportion of the duty on salt, and from the failure of remittances from Sicily. In the budget for the following year, the revenue was estimated at 19,380,000 ducats, the expenditure at 21,014,000. The deficit of 1,634,000 ducats would, it was hoped, be covered by amelio rations in the financial system, as well as by a reduced expenditure.

An important and trying subject was soon brought under the consider ation of the Parliament. The convention concluded with the Palermi

tans, by General Florestan Pepe, arrived for ratification. On its being laid before Parliament, that assembly, instead of eagerly embracing the opportunity of putting a period to so miserable a contest, absolutely annulled the proceeding, and refused to accept of any thing short of the entire union of Sicily with Naples. General Coletta was sent, with 5 or 6000 Calabrians, to supersede Pepe, and prevent any fresh rising of the people of Palermo. After our former observations on this subject, we need not say what we think of this new proceeding. To the essential injustice and impolicy of the measure, was now added the dishonour of violating a compact, formally entered into by the accredited officer of the government, and for which they had recei ved and meant to keep what the other party stipulated in return. The Parliament thus took care, while so dreadful a storm of war impended over the nation, that not only no aid should be derived from Sicily, but that the flower of their force must be employed in imposing upon that kingdom the yoke, which Naples could only, by the exertion of all her strength, have averted from herself.

These movements in the south of Europe had not passed without the most deep observation on the part of that monarchical confederation, which had proclaimed itself under the somewhat injudicious title of the Holy Alliance. A change of government, effected in a compulsory manner by subjects, and even by armies, and this spreading throughout Europe, appeared to shake all the foundations on which their thrones rested. These revolutions, therefore, even when occurring in the comparatively distant and insulated quarter of the Spanish peninsula, were viewed by them with the deepest reprobation. But the case

became much more serious, when the contagion extended to Naples, and when symptoms of similar movements appeared in the other states of Italy. Austria then felt the danger pressing close upon herself, and lost not a moment in adopting the most vigorous measures against it. As soon as the new government was established at Naples, it dispatched Prince Cariati to Vienna, with the view of affording to that court every explanation which could sooth the displeasure that must inevitably be created there. Cariati, however, was refused even an audience, and Count Metternich caused him to be told, that the events at Naples were the work of a faction; that these changes tended to the subversion of social order, and could never be acknowledged by the Emperor. Matters were rendered worse for the new government, by the Neapolitan ambassador, Prince Ruffo, refusing to acknowledge their authority, and even to obey the order for his recall.

Austria now proceeded immediately to the most open acts of hostile preparation. She addressed a circular to all the courts of Germany, in which she remarked how forcibly these events had shewn the violent shocks which might be produced by the poison of revolutionary sects. The intrigues of the Carbonari, without any external shock, without any even apparent pretext, had excited those seditious movements, which determined, in a moment of anguish and distress, his Majesty the King of Naples to abdicate the government, to dissolve all existing authorities, and to proclaim a constitution foreign to his country, and not even approved in that where it had taken birth; in other words, to erect anarchy into a law. After congratulating the princes on the care with which they

had checked the progress of this pernicious sect, remarks are made upon the circumstances, both of geographical situation and political connection, which gave to the Emperor a peculiar interest in the affairs of Italy. These relations not being shared by the other princes of Germany, he forbore calling upon them for any active assistance in this emergency. He undertook by himself to provide for the restoration and maintenance of legitimate government in Italy; and only solicited, that he might be able, during the execution of so great and salutary an enterprize, to depend upon an unalterable tranquillity in the interior of Germany.

In fulfilment of these views, the Emperor immediately proceeded to put in motion all the resources of his dominions. Notwithstanding the embarrassed state of his finances, a new loan of thirty-seven millions of florins was opened a general levy was ordered-upwards of thirty thousand troops were marched into Italy-and these were continually succeeded by fresh reinforcements, in proportion as they could be drawn from the interior of the Austrian states.

Notwithstanding the eager determination shewn by this power to oppose the progress of revolutionary movements, she could have acted with little effect unsupported by Russia, which, ever since the peace of Paris, had been looked up to as the main arbiter of continental politics. There might have seemed some doubt as to its cordial concurrence, for Alexander had been accustomed to make even an ostentatious profession of liberal principles, and had been seen, on different occasions, to applaud, and even to recommend the formation of representative governments. It soon appeared, however, that his views stopped far short of

giving the slightest sanction to the proceedings now brought under his consideration. His sentiments had already been elicited by a note, in which the Chevalier Zea Bermudez, the Spanish ambassador at the court of Petersburgh, had, rather prematurely perhaps, solicited to know the light in which the Emperor viewed the change in the Spanish government. The reply to this note, and a circular, immediately after addressed to all the Russian ministers at foreign courts, included a pretty complete view of that political creed, by which the Emperor was to be guided in the new crisis which Europe presented. He began by reminding the different courts, how repeatedly and decidedly he had expressed his wish, that the monarchy of Spain should derive strength, by being founded upon strong and solid institutions, suited to the circumstances and wants of the age. These institutions, however, could only be salutary, when they came as a voluntary concession from the crown, not when they were wrested from its weakness. "Emanating from thrones, institutions become conservative-issuing out of troubles, they bring forth only chaos." Upon this principle, it is said, his Majesty "must strike, with his strongest reprobation, the revolutionary means employed to give to Spain new institutions." The allied courts must, without doubt, have deplored with him the crime, which had stained the annals of Spain-a crime deplorable for the Peninsula-deplorable for Europe, which it must keep in perpetual inquietude, so long as no means are employed to efface it. The mode by which this might still be effected, was then pointed out. If the Cortes, instead of legalizing the insurrection of the soldiery, should loudly disavow the crime by which they had been as

sembled-should pass rigorous laws against revolt and sedition- and should employ themselves in forming an entirely new system of government on wise and constitutional bases, the revolution might then be destroyed in its birth. It is admitted, that only a very faint hope can be entertained of such a course being followed; but the European powers are exhorted to use their utmost exertion to induce Spain to adopt so happy and prudent a measure.

These documents derived undoubtedly their main interest from the knowledge, that their author possessed such powerful means of enforcing them, which he would certainly use within the sphere of his influence. Any reply may be considered as vain. We feel all the disadvantages under which we must argue against an antagonist, who is at the head of half a million of men. As, however, Alexander is fond of appealing to public opinion-as he has clearly evinced, en some occasions, more liberal views than could be reasonably expected from an absolute monarch-as, in short, some of his pleas are not devoid of plausibility, we shall bestow a certain degree of consideration upon them.

It is admitted, that institutions more favourable to national liberty, and involving a certain sacrifice of the power of the sovereign, are called for by the present state of the world, and ought to be granted. It is only required, that these institutions should emanate entirely from the monarch— should be his free gift, and not be prompted by even any fear of insurrection or disturbance. We so far concur with the imperial reasoner, in

thinking it much better that this should be the mode of effecting the change. It is thus produced in a more regular and orderly manner,