The increase of 3,900,000 livres was represented as very small, when it was considered that there were eleven millions of expenses not comprised in the service of 1819. Besides, in consequence of upwards of five millions of arrears still to be drawn, the service of 1820 would not cost more than that of the preceding year. The minister regretted that he was unable to announce, for this year, any diminution of the public burdens, but entertained sanguine hopes that this might take place in future years.

The increase in the expenditure, however small, caused a painful feeling in the Assembly, which would have shewn itself more strongly, had

not its attention been engrossed by subjects of stronger interest. The committee, however, to whom the budget was referred, examined its details with great rigour, and finally recommended a reduction of 6,187,700 livres, of which upwards of two millions was in the war department. The different items of expenditure were warmly discussed in a series of debates, and the reductions proposed by the committee were partly adopted, and partly rejected. The final diminution upon the proposal of the minister amounted only to 2,300,550 livres.

The following estimate was made to the Chamber, of the amount of the receipts of the preceding year :

The session was dissolved, somewhat unexpectedly, on the 22d July.

Soon after the rising of the Chambers, France was alarmed by a somewhat serious military conspiracy, formed at Paris. It seems to have ori

734,112,850

ginated with one Nantil, a captain in the legion de la Meurthe, a person in embarrassed circumstances, and discontented at not having obtained the cross of the Legion of Honour. Several of his brother officers being gained over

by him, the plot soon spread through the legion, and was communicated to the inferior officers of other military bodies. Nantil seems to have gained over accomplices by the most false representations, describing the conspiracy as supported by several general officers, and as possessed of most extensive pecuniary funds. One individual was asserted to have contributed not less than 25,000l. It was said to be form⚫ed into three committees, one called the Imperial Committee, and intended to proclaim Napoleon II. with Prince Eugene as regent. The other was named the Republican Committee, and had under it the Committee of Grenoble, acting upon the same views. After a good deal of discussion, these three committees at length agreed to unite, and to proclaim Napoleon II. as the name which would be most attractive to the military. Apprehensive of discovery, they determined, even in an imperfect state of preparation, to attempt a rising in Paris on the evening of the 19th of August. Government, however, already knew the design, by the information of several non-commissioned officers of the Royal Guard; and on the morning of the 19th the Duke of Ragusa was informed of that being the night fixed. A council of members was immediately called, and it was at first proposed to allow the conspiracy to put itself into action, and only to be ready to meet and crush it. This course, however, was judged too critical; and at five the Duke received authority to arrest the ringlead.

ers. They were taken without resistance in their barracks or lodgings; the affair was not known in Paris till next morning, and was exhibited to the eye only by the imposing military force assembled for the protection of the Tuilleries. Nantil made his escape. Of seventy-five who were arrested, very few were found of high rank in the army, and the conspiracy, on the whole, did not appear to be nearly so formidable as had been at first inferred from the exaggerated statements given by the ringleaders to those whom they wished to seduce. Of the seventy-five apprehended, no evidence was found against forty-one; the trial of the rest took place in the following year by the Chamber of Peers.

A ramification of this conspiracy was formed at Cambray, where several officers, belonging to the regiment of the Seine, there quartered, had formed the design of leading it to Paris, to co-operate with the insurrection in that capital. On learning the discovery which had taken place at Paris, they left their quarters, and fled into Belgium. The King of the Netherlands, however, having agreed to deliver them up, some were arrested at Mons.

This alarm was followed soon after by a joyful occurrence, the birth of a son to the Duchess of Berri. This event furnished the royal house with the heir which it had long wanted, and was considered as giving an additional stability to the throne of the Bourbons.

FOR several years the discontent throughout Spain had been general and hourly increasing. Its degradation was deeply felt by the nation, and sympathized with by the surrounding nations. It appeared the most cruel in dignity to a brave nation, which had made so noble a stand, and had so powerfully aided in restoring independence to the rest of Europe, to be reduced to a thraldom more severe than that which it had so heroically shaken off. Loud, however, as was the call for that constitution which Ferdinand stood vainly pledged to bestow, all the attempts hitherto made to attain it had proved miserably abortive. There is a tendency in human society, and one on the whole safe and salutary, to remain fixed in any position which it has once assumed. To a great body of the people it appears more expedient to bear the ills they have, if at all tolerable, than to rush on others that are unknown and untried. It is difficult, and in fact should be so, for secret and individual operations to combine a force, which can make head against

the executive power of the state. Although, however, such a government may make head for a certain time against the strongest public opinion, it possesses a radical unsoundness, which will, sooner or later, manifest itself. The crazy vessel may be guided in safety over a tranquil sea; but whenever the storm arises, it goes rapidly to pieces. Such a constitution resembles a national body, of which the juices are corrupted, in which no disease yet manifests itself, but to which the first wound or local injury, the effects of which to another would have been but temporary, proves mortal. It is seldom that in the political world a very long period occurs with out some shock or collision, which puts to the proof the materials of which it is composed, and causes those which are unsound to crumble into dust.

The local malady which exposed to peril the existing system of Spanish government, resided in the expeditionary army at Cadiz. This body of troops, prepared by Spain in the vain

hope of regaining her transatlantic empire, saw before them a prospect the most dreary and discouraging. Whether they considered the theatre on which the war was to be waged, or the enemy with whom they had to contend, there appeared equally little ground for animation or hope. The prospect of bidding adieu to their native country, to perish in the vast plains and swamps of the Oronooko, inspired a patriotic zeal, to which they might otherwise have remained strangers. The deliverance of their country appeared an object still more desirable, when it was to be combined with their own deliverance from such a destiny. The force collected at one point gave a full impression of their own strength; while the vicinity of Cadiz, a city which had long been the focus of liberal sentiments, was likely to inoculate them with some portion of its spirit.

In consequence of these causes, a deep discontent had long fermented in the minds of the expeditionary army. It had even, as observed in the former year, been organised into a formidable conspiracy, which failed only through the vacillation or treachery of the Conde de Abisbal. The yellow fever, which soon after began to rage at Cadiz, and among the troops, aided the views of the malcontents, by causing a general disorganization, and relaxing those strict precautions which the jealousy of the government would other wise have prompted. Don Antonio Quiroga, a lieutenant-colonel, who had been deeply implicated in the last conspiracy, was only loosely guarded at the convent of Alcala de los Gazules. He had, therefore, the opportunity of communicating with Don Raphael Riego, commander of the second battalion of the Asturias, and with other officers who were disposed to engage in the enterprize. The military chiefs were seconded by the talents of Gali

ano, a citizen of Cadiz, and one of the most eloquent men in Spain; while money was supplied by Beltran de Lis of Valencia, a zealous patriot, who had seen a son die on the scaffold in the cause of liberty.

After many consultations, which happily escaped the jealous observations of the ruling powers, the 1st of January, 1820, was fixed on as the decisive day. Riego, stationed at Las Cabezas, was to march upon Arcos, the head-quarters of Calderon, commander-in-chief of the expedition, and was to be joined there by the battalion of Seville from Villa Martin. At the same time Quiroga, with two battalions, was to move from Alcala de los Gazules, upon the Isle of Leon, and upon Cadiz.

At nine in the morning of the day appointed, Riego put himself in motion. He called together his battalion, explained to them his design, and finding them disposed enthusiastically to concur in it, led them direct to the square of Las Cabezas, where he proclaimed the constitution. In the evening he marched with the utmost possible rapidity upon Arcos, in the vicinity of which place he arrived about two in the morning. The battalion of Seville having lost its way in the storm, was not yet come up. Riego waited its arrival in vain for four hours; then seeing day begin to dawn, and apprehensive of discovery, he determined upon at once proceeding to action. Though the battalion stationed in Arcos was stronger than his own, he completely succeeded. The officers were taken by surprise in their barracks, Calderon and all his staff made prisoners, and the Corregidor of the town shared the same fate. The battalion joined the insurgents, and every thing was completed before that of Seville arrived. Riego was somewhat disappointed to find only 12,000 ducats in the Treasury.

The success of Quiroga was not quite so complete. He made his escape, and placed himself at the head of his battalion at Alcala. To reach his destination, however, it was necessary to cross the Majeceite, which was rendered impassable by the rains. He was thus unable to set out till the afternoon of the 2d. At Medina, he found another battalion; and the troops pushing forward rapidly through roads that were knee deep, reached at nine in the morning the bridge of Suazo, which connects the Isle of Leon with the Continent. This important post was surprised and carried in a few minutes. The insurgents, thus introduced into the Isla, were equally successful in surprising San Fernando, its principal fortress, where they took Cisneros, Minister of Marine. They now pushed forward upon Cadiz, the main object of the expedition; and which being defended only by one battalion and a few marines, was thought unlikely to make serious resistance. At four in the afternoon, however, the governor of Cadiz received notice of the enterprize, and hastened with 500 men to occupy the Trocadero, a fortification commanding the narrow neck of land, by which alone Cadiz can be approached from the Isla. Being reinforced from the ships, he succeeded in completely repulsing the attack of the insurgents. The district in their possession was thus reduced to the Isle of Leon.

Riego in the meantime hastened to join his comrades, and on his way, proclaimed the constitution at Xeres and Santa Maria. The people, however, though they shewed an interest in his success, did not make any serious movement in his favour. On his arrival at the Isla the troops were mustered, and found not to amount to more than 6000 men. They were immediately organized, however, under the title of the "Constitutional army;" they were

formed into two divisions, one of which was intrusted to Riego, while Quiroga was made commander-in-chief.— Don Arco Aguerro was placed at the head of the staff, and San Miguel appointed his principal assistant Quiroga now addressed to his army a proclamation, in which he told them, "Spain approached to destruction; and your ruin would have carried along with it that of your country: you were destined to death, rather to deliver the government from the fear which your courage inspired, than to conquer the colonies, which is become impossible. Meantime, your countrymen remained in the most shameful slavery, under an arbitrary and tyrannical government, which disposes at will of the property, the existence, and the liberty of the unhappy Spaniards. This government must have destroyed the nation, and finally itself; it can no longer be endured. At once violent and weak, it can inspire only indignation or contempt; but a country cannot be happy unless government inspires confidence, love, and respect." He finally assured them, that the enterprize was at once easy and glorious; that union and discipline only were necessary; that not a Spanish soldier would oppose them; and that they would find brethren even in the ranks of those who were assembled for that purpose.

At the same time Quiroga, in the name of the army, presented the following address to the King:

"Senor-The Spanish army, whose blood and unheard-of sacrifices restored your Majesty to the throne of your ancestors-the Spanish army, under whose protection the nation, through the medium of her representatives, sanctioned the code of laws intended to fix for ever her happy destiny, felt its honour and ardent patriotism wounded, when your Majesty, breaking the bonds of