the Pir Panjál (the mountain crossed on entering Kashmir from Lahore) with the camp of Aurangzíb, he met with "an old Hermit who had dwelt upon the summit of the Pass since the days of Jehangir, and whose religion nobody knew, although it was said that he could work miracles, and used at his pleasure to produce extraordinary thunderstorms, as well as hail, snow, rain, and wind. There was something wild in his countenance, and in his long spreading and tangled hoary beard. He asked alms fiercely, allowing the travellers to drink from earthen cups that he had set out upon a great stone, but signing to them to go quickly by without stopping. He scolded those who made a noise, 'for,' said he to me (after I had entered his cave and smoothed him down with a half rupee which I put in his hand with all humility), 'noise here raises furious storms. Aurangzib has done well in taking my advice and prohibiting it. Shah Jahan always did the like. But Jahangir once chose to laugh at what I said, and made his drums and trumpets sound; the consequence was he nearly lost his life.'” (Bernier, Amst. ed. 1699, II. 290.) A successor of this hermit was found in the same spot by P. Desideri in 1713, and another by Vigne in 1837.

NOTE 3.-Though the earliest entrance of Buddhism into Tibet was from India Proper, yet Kashmir twice in the history of Tibetan Buddhism played a most important part. It was in Kashmir that was gathered under the patronage of the great King Kanishka, in the century before our era, the Fourth Buddhistic Council, which marks the point of separation between Northern and Southern Buddhism. Numerous missionaries went forth from Kashmir to spread the doctrine in Tibet and in Central Asia. Many of the Pandits who laboured at the translation of the sacred books into Tibetan were Kashmiris, and it was even in Kashmir that several of the translations were made. But these were not the only circumstances that made Kashmir a holy land to the Northern Buddhists. In the end of the ninth century the religion was extirpated in Tibet by the Julian of the Lamas, the great persecutor Langdarma, and when it was restored, a century later, it was from Kashmir in particular that fresh missionaries were procured to reinstruct the people in the forgotten Law. (See Koeppen, II. 12-13, 78; J. As., ser. 6, tom. vi. 540.)

"The spread of Buddhism to Kashmir is an event of extraordinary importance in the history of that religion. Thenceforward that country became a mistress in the Buddhist Doctrine and the head-quarters of a particular school. . . . . The influence of Kashmir was very marked, especially in the spread of Buddhism beyond India. From Kashmir it penetrated to Kandahar and Kabul . . . . and thence over Bactria. . . . . Tibetan Buddhism also had its essential origin from Kashmir . . . . so great is the importance of this region in the History of Buddhism.” (Vassilyev, Der Buddhismus, I. 44.)

It is thus very intelligible how Marco learned from the Mongols and

the Lamas with whom he came in contact to regard Kashmir as "the very original source from which their Religion had spread abroad." The feeling with which they looked to Kashmir must have been nearly the same as that with which the Buddhists of Burma look to Ceylon. But this feeling towards Kashmir does not now, I am informed, exist in Tibet. The reverence for the holy places has reverted to Bahar and the neighbouring "cradle-lands" of Buddhism.

NOTE 4. The people of Kashmir retain their beauty, but they are morally one of the most degraded races in Asia. Long oppression, now under the Lords of Jamu as great as ever, has no doubt aggravated this. Yet it would seem that twelve hundred years ago the evil elements were there as well as the beauty. The Chinese traveller says: "Their manners are light and volatile, their characters effeminate and pusillanimous. . . . . They are very handsome, but their natural bent is to fraud and trickery" (Pèl. Boud. II. 167-8). Vigne's account is nearly the same (II. 142-3).

NOTE 5. In the time of Hwen Thsang, who spent two years studying in Kashmir in the first half of the 7th century, though there were many Brahmans in the country, Buddhism was in a flourishing state; there were 100 convents with about 5000 monks. In the end of the 11th century a King (Harshadewa, 1090-1102) is mentioned exceptionally as a protector of Buddhism. The supposition has been intimated above that Marco's picture refers to a traditional state of things, but I must notice that a like picture is presented in the Chinese account of Hulaku's war. One of the thirty kingdoms subdued by the Mongols was "The kingdom of Fo (Buddha) called Kishimi. It lies to the N.W. of India. There are to be seen the men who are counted the successors of Shakia; their ancient and venerable air recalls the countenance of Bodi-dharma as one sees it in pictures. They abstain from wine, and content themselves with a gill of rice for their daily food, and are occupied only in reciting the prayers and litanies of Fo" (Rem. N. Mel. Asiat. I. 179). Abúl Fazl says that on his third visit with Akbar to Kashmir he discovered some old men of the religion of Buddha, but none of them were literati. The Rishis of whom he speaks as abstaining from meat and from female society, as charitable and unfettered by traditions, were perhaps a modified remnant of the Buddhist Eremites. (Vie et V. de H. T. p. 390; Lassen, III. 709; Ayeen Akb. II. 147, III. 151.)

We see from the Dabistan that in the 17th century Kashmir continued to be a great resort of Magian mystics and sages of various sects, professing great abstinence, and credited with preternatural powers. And indeed Vámbéry tells us that even in our own day the Kashmiri Dervishes are pre-eminent among their Mahomedan brethren for cunning, secret arts, skill in exorcisms, &c. (Dab. I. 113 seqq., II. 147-8; Vámb. Sk. of Cent. Asia, 9.)

NOTE 6. The first precept of the Buddhist Decalogue, or Ten Obli

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gations of the Religious Body, is not to take life. But animal food is not forbidden, though restricted. Indeed it is one of the circumstances in the Legendary History of Sakya Muni, which looks as if it must be true, that he is related to have aggravated his fatal illness by eating a dish of pork set before him by a hospitable goldsmith. Giorgi says the butchers in Tibet are looked on as infamous; and people selling sheep or the like will make a show of exacting an assurance that these are not to be slaughtered. In Burma when a British party wanted beef the owner of the bullocks would decline to make one over, but would point one out that might be shot by the foreigners.

In Tibetan history it is told of the persecutor Lang-darma that he compelled members of the highest orders of the clergy to become hunters and butchers. A Chinese collection of epigrams, dating from the 9th century, gives a facetious List of Incongruous Conditions, among which we find a poor Parsi, a sick Physician, a fat Bride, a Teacher who does not know his letters, and a Butcher who reads the Scriptures (of Buddhism)! (Alph. Tib. 445; Koeppen, I. 74; N. and Q., C. and J. III. 34.)

NOTE 7.-Coral is still a very popular adornment in the Himalayan countries. The Merchant Tavernier says the people to the north of the Great Mogul's territories, and in the mountains of Assam and Tibet were the greatest purchasers of coral. (Tr. in India, Bk. II. ch. xxiii.)

CHAPTER XXXII.

OF THE GREAT RIVER OF BADASHAN.

IN leaving Badashan you ride twelve days between east and north-east, ascending a river that runs through land belonging to a brother of the Prince of Badashan, and containing a good many towns and villages and scattered habitations. The people are Mahommetans, and valiant in war. At the end of those twelve days you come to a province of no great size, extending indeed no more than three days' journey in any direction, and this is called VOKHAN. The people worship Mahommet, and they have a peculiar language. They are gallant soldiers, and they have a chief whom they call NONE, which is as much as to say Count, and they are liegemen to the Prince of Badashan.'

There are numbers of wild beasts of all sorts in this region. And when you leave this little country, and ride three days north-east, always among mountains, you get to such a height that 'tis said to be the highest place in the world! And when you have got to this height you find [a great lake between two mountains, and out of it] a fine river running through a plain clothed with the finest pasture in the world; insomuch that a lean beast there will fatten to your heart's content in ten days. There are great numbers of all kinds of wild beasts; among others, wild sheep of great size, whose horns are good six palms in length. From these horns the shepherds make great bowls to eat from, and they use the horns also to enclose folds for their cattle at night. [Messer Marco was told also that the wolves were numerous, and killed many of those wild sheep. Hence quantities of their horns and bones were found, and these were made into great heaps by the way-side, in order to guide travellers when snow was on the ground.]

The Plain is called PAMIER, and you ride across it for twelve days together, finding nothing but a desert without habitations or any green thing, so that travellers are obliged to carry with them whatever they have need of. The region is so lofty and cold that you do not even see any birds flying. And I must notice also that because of this great cold, fire does not burn so brightly, nor give out so much heat as usual, nor does it cook food so effectually.2

way

Now, if we go on with our journey towards the eastnorth-east, we travel a good forty days, continually passing over mountains and hills, or through valleys, and crossing many rivers and tracts of wilderness. And in all this you find neither habitation of man, nor any green thing, but must carry with you whatever you require. The country is called BOLOR. The people dwell high up in the mountains, and are savage idolaters, living only by the chase, and clothing themselves in the skins of beasts. They are in truth an evil race.'

NOTE 1. The river along which Marco travels from Badakhshan is no doubt the upper stream of the Oxus, known locally as the Panja, along which Wood also travelled. It is true that the river is reached from Badakhshan Proper by ascending another river (the Vardoj) and crossing the Pass of Ishkashm (10,000 ft.), but in the brief style of our narrative we must expect such condensation.

WAKHAN was restored to geography by Macartney, in the able map which he compiled for Elphinstone's Caubul, and it has been made known more accurately by Wood's journey through it. It embraces the Panja valley above Ishkáshm and some tributary Daráhs or Vales. Wood estimated the total popualtion of the province at only 1000 souls, though it might be capable of supporting 5000. He saw it, however, in the depth of winter. As to the peculiar language see note 1, ch. xxix.

We appear to see in the indications of this paragraph precisely the same system of government that now prevails in the Oxus valleys. The central districts of Faizabad and Jerm were, before the late Afghan conquest, under the immediate administration of Mir Jahándár Sháh, the Prince of Badakhshan, whilst fifteen other districts, such as Kishm, Rusták, Shighnán, Ishkáshm, Wakhán, were dependencies "held by the relations of the Mir, or hereditary rulers, on a feudal tenure, conditional on fidelity and military service in time of need, the holders possessing supreme authority in their respective territories, and paying little or no tribute to the paramount power." (Pandit Manphul.) The first part of the valley of which Marco speaks as belonging to a brother of the Prince may correspond to Ishkashm; the second, Wakhan, seems to have had a hereditary ruler; but both were vassals of the Prince of Badakhshan, and therefore are styled Counts, not kings or Seigneurs.

The native title which Marco gives as the equivalent of Count is remarkable. Non or None, as it is variously written in the texts, would in French form represent Nono in Italian. Pauthier refers this title to the "Rao-nana (or nano) Rao,” which figures as the style of Kanerkes in the Indo-Scythic coinage. But Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 358) interprets Raonano as most probably a genitive plural of Rao, whilst the whole inscription answers precisely to the Greek one ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΝ ΚΑΝΗΡΚΟΥ which is found on other coins of the same prince. Gen. Cunningham, a very competent authority, adheres to this view and writes: "I do not think None or Non can have any connection with the Nana of the coins."

We find in the published Timur's Institutes (p. 329) "the Beglerbegs, the Amírs, and the Nunián." If the last word were a genuine term we might be satisfied to regard it as the plural of Polo's None. But it is probably an error for Núínán, Núin or Noyán being a prince of the blood in Mongol.

It is remarkable, however, that NONO (said to signify "younger," or lesser) is in Tibet the title given to a younger brother, deputy, or subordinate prince. In Cunningham's Ladak (259), we read: “No-no is