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the two great political parties; but when that was necessary, he would be ready to state his opinions. Sir George adverted to the seditious publications, particularly at Glasgow, and denied that ministers were guilty of endeavouring to separate the higher and lower classes of the people. This charge rather applied to those who had made the Queen a rallying point. Sir George defended the conduct of ministers. It was not necessary to inquire whether her Majesty was guilty or innocent. By her conduct she had surrounded herself with a cloud of suspicions, which rendered investigation necessary. When he saw respectable individuals lending themselves to flatter the prejudices of the lower orders, he could not but believe that those opposed to him in politics were really sincere in saying they did not wish office, other wise he would feel some difficulty in explaining many parts of their conduct on recent occasions. He thanked God that a spirit of religion existed in the country. This meeting, he said, was not called to decide whether my Lord Liverpool or my Lord Grey should be at the head of the government. They were called on to vote a loyal address to his Majesty, which he thought should pass unanimously, or would at least be carried by a large majority.

The Earl of Rosslyn was astonished at the language held in the opening speech, which appeared to him to be a greater attack upon the government of the country than any alluded to in the address. The expression of public opinion on the late occasion came from the general mass of the people, from the proprietors, the yeomanry, tenant. ry, and a large proportion of the commercial body of the country-it came from the body of the people, who are the sinews of the state-from those to whom we owe the strength and glory of the country, and from whom the

jurymen are elected for the civil and criminal trials that take place. He would not shut his eyes to the fact, that the Queen had fallen into the hands of indiscreet counsellors; but this was the consequence of her having been abandoned by those who ought to have been her friends and advisers. Parliament had been prorogued in a manner the most ungracious. The separation justly described as existing between the upper and lower classes, was chiefly the consequence of the conduct of the former, who stigmatized all who did not worship the idol of the day as disaffected to the government. The charge of irreligion against the lower classes was most unfounded. There never was less infidelity in the country than at the present day, and no immoral writings were circulated here.

Mr M. Linning and the Lord Advocate spoke in favour of the address, and Mr James Gibson against it.

Mr Jeffrey stated, at the outset, that in so far as the address moved by Sir John Hope consisted of professions of loyalty and attachment to the throne and the constitution, he (Mr Jeffrey) and all his friends would most cordial. ly go along with it; and if gentlemen on the other side considered the lan guage of the address, in these respects, as more choice and emphatic than that of the amendment, he was most willing to adopt it. But farther than that he could not give his concurrence to the address. He put it to every man of sense to say, whether the expres sions used in the remainder of the address did not imply an unqualified ap probation of whatever measures mini. sters have taken, or may be pleased to adopt. He agreed with the other side in considering this a crisis in which every man was bound in duty to step forward and declare his sentiments. He was aware that much discontent, and, he was afraid, also some disaffec

tion (though to a far less extent than was represented,) prevailed. This be ing admitted, all agreed in wishing to allay the ferment. The opposite party held that this was to be effected by putting down and forcibly repressing every symptom of discontent as it appeared; while he and his friends, on the other hand, were of opinion, that tranquillity could not be permanently established, without ascertaining the real causes, by inquiry and investigation, and then removing them. The learned gentleman then explained and elucidated these principles at considerable length, shewing the dangerous effects of a system of blind coercion, and the advantages of a fair, liberal, and constitutional administration. He then proceeded, in a strain of animated and powerful eloquence, to defend the Whigs as a body from the charges which had been made against them. They had been accused of relinquishing their own principles and adopting those of the radicals. This he most positively denied; challenging all and every man in that house to mention a single instance in which any Whig, either in parliament or out of it, had given his sanction to any of the revolutionary principles of which they had heard so much. The ablest and the best answer which had ever been made to the pernicious doctrines of Universal SuffrageandAnnual Parliamentshad appeared in the Journal with which he had the honour to be connected. But there was another accusation; it was said the Whigs were anxious to gain over the Radicals to their banners. To that accusation he pleaded guilty. The Whigs were anxious to gain over the Radicals, as they are also to gain over the Tories. But how did they desire to gain them over? Not by surrendering their own principles, but by the force of argument and a kind conciliatory treatment, to induce them to renounce

their erroneous opinions, and to class themselves, on conviction, with those who supported the true principles of the constitution.

A vote having been called, the address was carried by a majority of 110 to 26.

DESTRUCTION OF THE ASSEMBLY Rooms, BATH.-Extract of a letter from Bath.-On Thursday night, the 21st, about eleven o'clock, these extensive, elegant, and far-famed premises were discovered to be on fire. Clouds of smoke were seen to issue from some of the lower apartments long before the conflagration became manifest. At length the flames burst out with inconceivable fury, and soon presented such a scene of terrific grandeur and desolation as was never witnessed in this city. The engines and firemen arrived on the spot with great promptitude. At first the fire-plugs afforded but a scanty supply of water, which gave the destructive element time to get so tremendous a head, that it then appeared, if the whole Avon had been poured upon the roofs, floors, and staircases, it could not have been quenched, though it might have retarded, the progress of the flames. The country around was a sheet of elementary fire; the sky and hills, with the numerous surrounding buildings, appearing "one red." But, perhaps, the most magnificent sight, and awfully impressive moment, was about two o'clock, when the long-pent-up flames in the large ball-room burst, as if by one mighty effort, through the six great windows, and seemed to glare defiance in volumes of liquid fame. The conflagration of the card-room presented an almost equally heart-appalling display of the irresistibility of fire. About three, the stupendous roof began to fall in, not with a sudden crash as had been anticipated, but by successive fragments of tile, and blazing beams

and rafters. By six o'clock the mighty element had completely effected its work of desolation, and the whole fabric was reduced to a heap of burning ruins.

The heat was so intense, and the smoke so overpowering, that we lament to say, but a comparatively small portion of the property on the premises was saved from destruction. Some of the apartments at the north end had been handsomely fitted up in the course of the last summer for the residence of a gentleman, who, we understand, is at present at Swansea, and who had embarked considerable property in the concern, and deposited in his rooms valuables to a large amount in paintings, plate, &c. ; the whole of which, we regret to state, has been destroyed; but we understand that it had been recently insured with one of the London offices.

The conflagration must have been increased by a large quantity of oil (in which Mr Mills largely dealt,) which was deposited in one of the rooms near the spot where it is supposed the fire originated, being a small space used as a dressing room to the private theatre,

where Mr Seward had that evening exhibited his Fantoccini ; but this is mere conjecture. It was a fortunate circumstance that Mr Walker's magnificent Orrery had been removed from the rooms yesterday morning, that gentleman having given his final lecture the preceding evening.

The following is the amount of the insurances that had been effected on the property thus destroyed :—On the premises, 4000l.; furniture, &c. belonging to ditto, 4000l.; Mr Mills's private effects, 2400l., in the West of England Office; property belonging to Captain Houlton, 3000/. in the London Atlas.

EXTRACT OF A Private LetTER. -The elegant chandeliers, pictures of Beau Nash, &c. were all consumed. Some gentlemen were playing cards at the time the fire broke out; but such was its fury, that it could not be got under. Mr Houlton is partly insured, and Mr Mills, the renter, also; but neither to any thing near the value. The ruins this morning present a horrible appearance; there was not a more convenient or elegant set of rooms in the kingdom.

V.

PUBLIC AND PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE

OF THE

UNITED KINGDOM FOR THE YEAR ENDING 5TH JANUARY, 1820.

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An ACCOUNT showing how the Public Monies remaining in the Receipt of the Exchequers of the United Kingdom, on the 5th day of January, 1819, together with the Monies paid into the same during the Year ended the 5th day of January, 1820, and the Monies paid out of the Net Produce of the Revenues of the said Year, in Anticipation of the Exchequer Receipt; together with the Amount of the Exchequer, Navy, and Transport Bills Issued, and not Redeemed, during the said Year; having been actually Applied.

HEADS OF EXPENDITURE.

I.-For Interest, &c. on the Permanent Debt of the United Kingdom,
Unredeemed; including Annuities for Lives and Terms of Years
For Charges of Management thereon

For Interest, &c. on Imperial Loans; including Annuities for Lives and
Terms of Years

SUMS.

£.

39,338,325 1 270,460 8

389,083 13

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For Charges of Management thereon

Applied towards the Reduction of the National Debt. 1,108,876 14
The usual Grant

Annuities for Terms of Years and Lives expired

.. Do.. on Lives Unclaimed for Three

Years, before 5th January, 1819

.. Do.. on Lives Unclaimed for Three

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200,000
167,978 7

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31,005 12

Years and upwards, at 5th January, 1819 2,412 3

33,417 15

3,791 19 10,200 13

140 15

Carry forward, £1,510,272 16 40,012,002 9

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