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a duty, his Majesty was fully capable of laying aside and of forgetting every thing like personal or private feeling.

The adjournment of the House for two days was then carried ananimously.

On the following day, the House of Lords, according to the arranged order, were to ballot for the committee to examine the papers. Lord Kenyon, however, rose and stated, that though he had, on the former day, voted for the committee, yet as a prospect had been opened of amicable adjustment, and as the other House had been thus induced to delay proceedings, he earnestly recommended that their example should be followed, and that the ballot should be delayed till Monday.

Lord Liverpool, without admitting that there was room for delay, suggested, that if it were thought eligible, the most regular and dignified course for the House would be to proceed to the nomination of the committee, only directing that it should not meet till Tuesday next-this being Thursday. The motion was seconded by Lord Lauderdale, who treated it as a most disorderly proceeding, that their Lordships should act upon any thing that had been done in another place. The same view was taken by Lord Erskine; while Lord Donoughmore reprobated all delay, urging that no new motive for it had been assigned, and that to use as argument any thing that had passed in the Lower House, was most unparliamentary. It almost seemed as if the members had been transported from one House to the other. Lords Holland, Carnarvon. and Rosslyn, supported the original motion of Lord Kenyon. On a division, the Earl of Liverpool's motion was carried by a majority of 108 to 29. The following committee was then nominated :

The Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Lord Chancellor.

The Lord President of the Council.
The Duke of Beaufort.
The Duke of Northumberland.
The Marquis of Lansdown.
The Marquis of Buckingham.
The Earl of Liverpool.
The Earl of Donoughmore.
Earl Beauchamp.
Viscount Sidmouth.
The Bishop of London.
Lord Redesdale.
Lord Erskine.

The Earl of Lauderdale. The committee were ordered to meet on Thursday next.

The King's ministers did not shew all the promptitude, in opening the negociation, which might have been expected, after so positive a declaration of the wishes of Parliament. Two days elapsed, without any movement on either side, and it was from the opposite party at last that the first overture came. On Friday the 9th, Mr Brougham, by command of the Queen, transmitted a note to Lord Liverpool, stating, that her Majesty, submitting to the declared sense of Parliament, was ready to consider any arrangement that might be suggested, consistent with her dignity and honour. Lord Liverpool, in reply, referred to the note delivered to Mr Brougham, on the 15th of April last, as the proposition made on the part of the King, at the same time declaring his readiness to receive any suggestions which her Majesty or her advisers might have to make upon them. This note was to the following tenor.

"15th April, 1820.

"The Act of the 54th Geo. III., cap. 160, recognized the separation of the Prince Regent from the Prin

cess of Wales, and allotted a separate provision for the Princess. This provision was to continue during the life of his late Majesty, and to determine at his demise. In consequence of that event it has altogether ceased, and no provision can be made for her until it shall please his Majesty to recommend to Parliament an arrangement for that purpose.

"The King is willing to recommend to Parliament to enable his Majesty to settle an annuity of 50,000l. a-year upon the Queen, to be enjoyed by her during her natural life, and in lieu of any claim in the nature of jointure or otherwise, provided she will engage not to come into any part of the British dominions, and provided she engages to take some other name or title than that of Queen; and not to exercise any of the rights or privileges of Queen, other than with respect to the appointment of law officers, or to any proceedings in courts of justice. The annuity to cease upon the violation of these engagements, viz., upon her coming into any part of the British dominions, or her assuming the title of Queen, or her exercising any of the rights or privileges of Queen, other than above excepted, after the annuity shall have been settled upon her.

"Upon her consent to an engagement on the above conditions, Mr Brougham is desired to obtain a declaration to this effect, signed by herself; and at the same time a full authority to conclude with such person as his Majesty may appoint a formal engagement upon these principles."

The Queen, in her answer transmitted next day, stated that she had seen this note for the first time; that the proposal contained in it did not appear satisfactory, at the same time that she was willing to believe it did not proceed from any offensive in

tention. Still retaining the desire of submitting her own wishes to the authority of Parliament, she only felt it necessary before making any further proposal, to have it understood that the recognition of her rank and privileges as Queen must be the basis of any arrangement which could be made. The moment that basis was established, her Majesty would be ready to suggest a method by which she conceived all existing differences might be satisfactorily adjusted.

The answer of Lord Liverpool expressed the most extreme surprise, that the propositions of the 15th April, should not have been sooner submitted to her Majesty. So far as affected her dignity, however, he observed:

"The memorandum of the 15th April, while it proposed that her Majesty should abstain from the exercise of the rights and privileges of Queen, with certain exceptions, did not call upon her Majesty to renounce any of them.

"Whatever appertains to her Majesty by law, as Queen, must continue to appertain to her so long as it is not abrogated by law."

The note concluded with expressing a readiness to receive any proposition for a satisfactory adjustment, provided it had for its basis her Majesty's residence abroad.

Mr Brougham, in replying for the Queen, accounted for her not having seen the note of the 15th April sooner, by her official advisers not having had an opportunity of delivering it previous to the interview with Lord Hutchison.

Satisfied, however, with the recognition now made of her rank as Queen, her Majesty now proceeded to lay open the plan formerly alluded to, by which she hoped that a final adjustment might be effected.

"Her Majesty's dignity and ho

nour being secured, she regards all other matters as of comparatively lit tle importance, and is willing to leave every thing to the decision of any person or persons, of high station and character, whom both parties may concur in naming; and who shall have authority to prescribe the particulars as to residence, patronage, and income-subject, of course, to the approbation of Parliament."

cers began by stating, that under all the circumstances of her Majesty's position, they would not say that her Majesty had any insuperable objection to living abroad; on the contrary, if such foreign residence were deemed indispensable to the completion of an arrangement so much desired by Parliament, her Majesty might be prevailed upon to acquiesce; but then that certain steps must be taken to remove the possibility of any

The reply of Lord Liverpool to inference being drawn from such this proposition was as follows:

"The King's confidential servants cannot think it consistent with their constitutional responsibility to advise the King to submit to any arbitration, a matter so deeply connected with the honour and dignity of his crown, and with the most important public interests; but they are fully sensible of the advantages which may be deririved from an unreserved personal discussion; and they are therefore prepared to advise his Majesty to appoint two of his Majesty's confidential servants, who, in concert with the like number of persons to be named by the Queen, may frame an arrange ment, to be submitted to his Majesty, for settling, upon the basis of Lord Liverpool's note of the 11th instant, the necessary particulars of her Majesty's future situation."

This proposition was immediately acceded to, and, in consequence, the Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh, on the part of the King, Mr Brougham and Mr Denman, on the other side, were appointed to conduct the conferences.

The first meeting took place on the 15th June, and after the plan of deliberation had been adjusted, the first question which came under discussion, was the future residence of the Queen abroad. Here, according to the protocol, the Queen's law offi

compliance, and from the inquiry not being proceeded in, unfavourable to her Majesty's honour, and inconsistent with that recognition which is the basis of these negociations; and her Majesty's law-officers suggested, with this view, the restoration of her name to the Liturgy.

To this it was replied, that the King's government would no doubt learn with great surprise, that a question of this important nature had now been brought forward for the first time, without having been adverted to in any of the previous discussions, and without being included amongst the heads to be now treated of; that the Liturgy had been already regulated by his Majesty's formal declaration in council, and in the exercise of his Majesty's legal authority; that the King, in yielding his own feelings and views to the wishes of Parliament, could not be understood (in the absence of inquiry) to alter any of those impressions under which his Majesty had hitherto deliberately and advisedly acted; and that, as it was at the outset stated, the King could not be expected to retract any thing, no hope could be held out that the King's Government would feel themselves justified in submitting such a proposition to his Majesty.

This point was discussed at great length by the respective parties, but without any approach to concession, though the King's commissioners fi

nally agreed to report to the Cabinet, and state its determination at the next conference. The Queen's commissioners, however, anticipating, as possible or probable, the final rejection of this proposition, threw out as a substitute the official introduction of her Majesty to foreign Courts by the King's ministers abroad. Upon this, the opposite party observed, that this proposition appear ed open to the same difficulty in point of principle: it was calling upon the King to retract the decision formally taken and avowed on the part of his Majesty, a decision already notified to foreign Courts; and to render the position of his Majesty's representatives abroad, in relation to her Majesty, inconsistent with that of their Sovereign at home. They were only ready to undertake for the full and faithful observance of the orders already issued, directing the British ministers on the continent to provide by every possible means for her Majesty's personal comfort and accommodation.

The second conference, which took place on the following day, consisted chiefly in the King's servants repeat ing, as the deliberate decision of the Cabinet, the views which they had given, both respecting the Liturgy and the introduction at foreignCourts. The Queen's law officers then suggested the introduction at some one Court; but it was replied that the principle was in all cases the same, and if given up at all, should be given up generally. The demand of a palace made on the Queen's side, was evaded on the ground, that all the royal palaces were then occupied. Questions were then put as to whether the Queen would be allowed to leave England in the state which be-, came her dignity, and whether the King's ministers were ready to propose in Parliament addresses express

ing their grateful thanks to both the royal personages for their acquiescence in the arrangement desired by that assembly.

On the following day, when the third conference was held, satisfactory answers were given to the two last questions. The Queen was to be provided, either with a yacht or ship of war, as might be convenient, for going to the continent, or the Mediterranean. Still the state of the propositions was not considered satisfactory by the Queen's servants. Before closing the conference, however, the King's servants desired distinctly to know from her Majesty's law officers, whether the introduction of the Queen's name in the Liturgy, and her Majesty's introduction at foreign Courts, were either of them a condition sine qua non of an arrangement on the part of the Queen: to which it was replied, that either the introduction of her Majesty's name in the Liturgy, or an equivalent, which would have the effect of protecting her Majesty against the unfavourable inference to which her Majesty might be liable in leaving the country, under the circumstances in which her Majesty was placed, was a sine qua non.

In this unpromising state, the third conference closed. On the fourth day, a new proposition was brought forward by the King's ministers, who suggested, if possible, to meet her Majesty's wishes, and in order the better to assure to her Majesty every suitable respect and attention within the particular state in which she might think fit to establish her residence, (the Milanese, or the Roman States, having been previously suggested by her Majesty's law officers as the alternative within her Majesty's contemplation,) that the King would cause official notification to be made of her Majesty's

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It was observed, that the practice at foreign Courts being to receive those only who were received at home, the King could, with no propriety, require such a point of foreign governments. It was urged, in reply, that the Queen could not be considered as in that situation, since it was only in 1814 that she had voluntarily ceased to go to Court, out of regard to the delicate situation in which the unfortunate differences in the Royal Family placed the late Queen. It was answered, that the Court of the late Queen had been, in fact, that of the Prince Regent, acting in name, and for behoof of his Majesty ; and that the present Queen, then Princess of Wales, had, in point of fact, been excluded from that Court.

On the following day, the Queen's law officers stated, that the proposition of yesterday had been submitted to her Majesty, but had produced no alteration in her sentiments.

No satisfactory understanding having thus taken place between the two parties, the conferences closed.

Such was the unfavourable issue of this attempt to arrange the differences in the Royal House, and to avert the unhappy investigation which otherwise impended. The two points at issue were, the Liturgy, and the introduction at foreign Courts. In regard to the former, we must say, that we do not see any sufficient reason, why ministers should not have advised his Majesty to yield this point. It did not commit him in any opinion as to the merits or character of the party; it involved, even on the worst supposition, nothing disgrace

ful or of evil example to the nation: The only reason stated against it was, that the King had once decided otherwise. But is the decision of a King of England, once made, irrevocable like the laws of the Medes and Persians? Is his opinion incapable of change upon fresh motives being submitted to him? Was there nothing in the expressed wishes of Parliament, in the tumultuary and unsettled feelings of the nation, in all the unpleasant vista which opened, to render expedient one of those sacrifices of private feeling, which his Majesty has repeatedly shewn that he was able to make, when an important interest of the public was at stake?

With regard to the other proposition, according to which an opportunity was to be provided of figuring as Queen of England at foreign Courts, our opinion as to the propriety both of asking and granting it, is considerably different. We believe it is allowed by the best judges of female decorum, that a lady, placed in the unfortunate state of separation from her husband, even without her own fault, ought to lead a somewhat retired life. To be seen blazing in the foremost ranks of gaiety, is considered unsuitable to her situation, and exposing her to much misconstruction. It would have done more honour to her Majesty's judgment and feelings, not to have asked or wished for such a distinction. On the other hand, without pronouncing any harder sentence, few will deny, that the manners and general deportment of this unfortunate lady, were not such as to render it creditable or eligible, that she should be exhibited over Europe in the high character of Queen of England. Ministers seem to have gone quite as far in this respect, as was consistent with the credit of the nation, and the just feelings of the

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