would that view be consistent with the judgment of so competent an authority as M. Paulin-Paris, implied in his calling Rustician a nom recommandable in old French literature, and his speaking of him as "versed in the secrets of the French Romance Tongue."* In fact the difference of language in the two cases would really be a difficulty in the way of identification, if there were room for doubt. This, however, M. Paulin-Paris seems to have excluded finally, by calling attention to the peculiar formula of preamble which is common to the Book of Marco Polo and to one of the Romance compilations of Rusticien de Pise. The former will be found in English at pp. 1, 2, of our Translation; but we give a part of the original below † for comparison with the preamble to the Romances of Meliadus, Tristan, and Lancelot, as taken from MS. 6961 (Fr. 340) of the Paris Library : 66 Seigneurs Empereurs et Princes, Ducs et Contes et Barons et Chevaliers et Vavasseurs et Bourgeois, et tous les preudommes de cestui monde qui avez talent de vous deliter en rommans, si prenez cestui (livre) et le faites lire de chief en chief, si orrez toutes les grans aventure qui advindrent entre les Chevaliers errans du temps au Roy Uter Pendragon, jusques à le temps au Roy Artus son fils, et des compaignons de la Table Ronde. Et sachiez tout vraiment que cist livres fust translatez du livre Monseigneur Edouart le Roy d'Engleterre en cellui temps qu'il passa oultre la mer au service nostre Seigneur Damedieu pour conquester le Sant Sepulcre, et Maistre Rusticiens de Pisc, lequel est ymaginez yci dessus, compila ce rommant, car il en translata toutes les merveilleuses nouvelles et aventures qu'il trouva en celle livre et traita tout certainement de toutes les aventures du monde, et si sachiez qu'il traitera plus de Monseigneur Lancelot du Lac, et Mons Tristan le fils au Roy Meliadus de Leonnoie que d'autres, porcequ'ilz furent sans faille les meilleurs chevaliers qui à ce temps furent en terre; et li Maistres en dira de ces deux pluseurs choses et pluseurs nouvelles que l'en treuvera escript en tous les autres livres ; et porce que le Maistres les trouva escript au Livre d'Engleterre." "Certainly," M. Paulin-Paris observes, "there is a singular analogy between these two prefaces. And it must be re *See Jour. As. Ser. II. tom. xii. p. 251. ↑ "Seignors Enperaor et Rois, Dux et Marquois, Cuens, Chevaliers et Borgions [for Borgiois] et toutes gens qe voles savoir les diverses jenerasions des homes, et les deversités des deverses region dou monde, si prennés cestui livre et le feites lire et chi troverés toutes les grandismes merveilles," &c. The portrait of Rustician here referred to would have been a precious illustration for our book. But unfortunately it has not been transferred to MS. 6961, nor apparently to any other noticed by M. Paulin-Paris. marked that the formula is not an ordinary one with translators, compilers, or authors of the 13th and 14th centuries. Perhaps you would not find a single other example of it." * This seems to place beyond question the identity of the Romance compiler of Prince Edward's suite in 1270, and the Prisoner of Genoa in 1298. Further par ticulars con cerning Rustician. 42. In Dunlop's History of Fiction a passage is quoted from the preamble of Meliadus, as set forth in the Paris printed edition of 1528, which gives us to understand that Rusticien de Pise had received as a reward for some of his compositions from King Henry III. the prodigal gift of two chateaux. I gather, however, from passages in the work of M. Paulin-Paris that this must certainly be one of those confusions of persons to which I have referred before, and that the recipient of the chateaux was in reality Helye de Borron, the author of some of the originals which Rustician manipulated. This supposed incident in Rustician's scanty history must therefore be given up. We call this worthy Rustician or Rusticiano, as the nearest probable representation in Italian form of the Rusticien of the Round-Table MSS. and the Rustacians of the old text of Polo. But it is highly probable that his real name was Rustichello, as is suggested by the form Rustichclus in the early Latin version published by the Société de Géographie. The change of one liquid for another never goes for much in Italy, and Rustichello might easily Gallicize himself as Rusticien. In a very long list of Pisan officials during the Middle Ages I find several bearing the name of Rustichello or Rustichelli, but no Rusticiano or Rustigiano.§ Respecting him we have only to add that the peace between Genoa and Venice was speedily followed by a treaty between Genoa and Pisa. On the 31st July, 1299, a truce for twenty-five years was signed between those two Republics. It was a very different matter from that between Genoa and Venice, and contained much that was humiliating and detriJ. As. as above. * † See Liebrecht's Dunlop, p. 77; and MSS. François, &c. II. 349, 353. The alleged gift to Rustician is also put forth by D'Israeli the Elder in his Amenities of Literature, 1841, I. p. 103. E. g. Geronimo, Girolamo; and garofalo, garofano; Cristoforo, Cristovalo; gonfalone, gonfanone, &c. See the List in Archivio Stor. Ital. VI. pp. 64, seqq. mental to Pisa. But it embraced the release of prisoners; and those of Meloria, reduced it is said to less than one tithe of their original number, had their liberty at last. Among the prisoners then released no doubt Rustician was one. But we hear of him no more. VIII. NOTICES OF MARCO POLO'S HISTORY, AFTER THE TERMINATION OF HIS IMPRISONMENT AT GENOA. 43. A very few disconnected notices are all that can be collected of matter properly biographical in relation to the quarter century during which Marco Polo survived. the Genoese captivity. Death of Father before 1300. Will of his brother Maffeo. We have seen that he would probably reach. Venice in the course of August, 1299. Whether he found his aged father alive is not known; but we know at least that a year later (31st August, 1300) Messer Nicolo was no longer in life. This we learn from the Will of the younger Maffeo, Marco's brother, which bears the date just named, and of which we give an abstract below.* It seems to imply strong regard for * 1. The will is made in prospect of his voyage to Crete. 2. He had drafted his will with his own hand, sealed the draft, and made it over to Pietro Pagano, priest of St. Felice and Notary, to draw out a formal testament in faithful accordance therewith in case of the Testator's death; and that which follows is the substance of the said draft rendered from the vernacular into Latin. ("Ego Matheus Paulo . . . volens ire in Cretam, ne repentinus casus hujus vite fragilis me subreperet intestatum, mea propria manu meum scripsi et condidi testamentum, rogans Petrum Paganum ecclesie Scti. Felicis presbiterum et Notarium, sana mente et integro consilio, ut, secundum ipsius scripturam quam sibi tunc dedi meo sigillo munitam, meum scriberet testamentum, si me de hoc seculo contigeret pertransire; cujus scripture tenor translato vulgari in latinum per omnia talis est.”) 3. Appoints as Trustees Messer Maffeo Polo his uncle, Marco Polo his brother, Messer Nicolo Secreto (or Sagredo) his father-in-law, and Felix Polo his cousin (consanguineum). 4. Leaves 20 soldi to each of the Monasteries from Grado to Capo d'Argine; and 150 lire to all the congregations of Rialto, on condition that the priests of these maintain an annual service in behalf of the souls of his father, mother, and self. 5. To his daughter Fiordelisa 2000 lire to marry her withal. To be invested in safe mortgages in Venice, and the interest to go to her. Also leaves her the interest from 1000 lire of his investments to provide for her till she marries. After her marriage this 1000 lire and its interest shall go to his male heir if he has one, and failing that to his brother Marco. the testator's brother Marco, who is made inheritor of the bulk of the property, failing the possible birth of a son. I have already indicated some conjectural deductions from this document. I may add that the terms of the second clause, as quoted in the note, seem to me to throw considerable doubt on the genealogy which bestows a large family of sons upon this brother Maffeo. If he lived to have such a family it seems improbable that the draught which he thus left in the hands of a notary, to be converted into a Will in the event of 6. To his wife Catharine 400 lire and all her clothes as they stand now. Το the Lady Maroca 100 lire. 7. To his natural daughter Pasqua 400 lire to marry her withal. Or, if she likes to be a nun, 200 lire shall go to her convent and the other 200 shall purchase securities for her benefit. After her death these shall come to his male heir, or failing that be sold, and the proceeds distributed for the good of the souls of his father, mother, and self. 8. To his natural brothers Stephen and Giovannino he leaves 500 lire. If one dies the whole to go to the other. If both die before marrying, to go to his male heir; failing such to his brother Marco or his male heir. 9. To his uncle Giordano Trevisano 200 lire. To Marco Tumba 100. Το Fiordelisa, wife of Felix Polo, 100. To Maroca, the daughter of the late Pietro Trevisano, living at Negropont, 100. 10. To buy securities producing an annual 20 lire ai grossi to be paid yearly to Pietro Pagano, Priest of S. Felice, who shall pray for the souls aforesaid; on death of said Pietro the income to go to Pietro's cousin Lionardo, Clerk of St. Felice; and after him always to the senior priest of S. Giovanni Grisostomo with the same obligation. 11. Should his wife prove with child and bear a son or sons they shall have his whole property not disposed of. If a daughter, she shall have the same as Fiordelisa. 12. If he have no male heir his Brother Marco shall have the Testator's share of his Father's bequest, and 2000 lire besides. Cousin Nicolo shall have 500 lire, and Uncle Maffeo 500. 13. Should Daughter Fiordelisa die unmarried her 2000 lire and interest to go to his male heir, and failing such to Brother Marco and his male heir. But in that case Marco shall pay 500 lire to Cousin Nicolo or his male heir. 14. Should his wife bear him a male heir or heirs, but these should die under age, the whole of his undisposed property shall go to Brother Marco or his male heir. But in that case 500 lire shall be paid to Cousin Nicolo. 15. Should his wife bear a daughter and she die unmarried, her 2000 lire and interest shall go to Brother Marco, with the same stipulation in behalf of Cousin Nicolo. 16. Should the whole amount of his property between cash and goods not amount to 10,000 lire (though he believes he has fully as much), his bequests are to be ratably diminished, except those to his own children which he does not wish diminished. 17. Should any legatee die before receiving the bequest, its amount shall fall to the Testator's heir male, and failing such, the half to go to Brother Marco or his male heir, and the other half to be distributed for the good of the souls aforesaid. The witnesses are Lionardo priest of S. Felice, Lionardo clerk of the same, and the Notary Pietro Pagano priest of the same. his death (a curious example of the validity attaching to all acts of notaries in those days), should never have been superseded, but should actually have been so converted after his death, as the existence of the parchment seems to prove. Messer Maffeo, the uncle, was, we see, alive at this time. We do not know the year of his death. But it is alluded to by Friar Pipino in the Preamble to his Translation of the Book, supposed to have been executed about 1315-1320. Documentary notices of Polo at this time. The sobriquet of Milione 44 In 1302 occurs what was at first supposed to be a glimpse of Marco as a citizen, slight and quaint enough; being a resolution on the Books of the Great Council to exempt the respectable Marco Polo from the penalty incurred by him on account of the omission to have his water-pipe duly inspected. But since our Marco's claims to the designation of Nobilis Vir have been established, there is a doubt whether the providus vir or prud'homme here spoken of may not have been rather his namesake Marco Polo of Cannareggio or S. Geremia, of whose existence we learn from another entry of the same year.* It is however possible that Marco the Traveller was called to the Great Council after the date of the document in question. We have seen that the Traveller, and after him his House and his Book, acquired from his contemporaries the surname, or nick-name rather, of Il Milione. Different writers have given different explanations of the origin of this name; some, beginning with his contemporary Fra Jacopo d'Acqui (supra, p. lxxxii), ascribing it to the family's having brought home a fortune of a million of lire, in fact to their being millionaires. This is the explanation followed by Sansovino, Marco Barbaro, Coronelli, and others.t More far-fetched is that of Fontanini who supposes the name to have been given to the * "(Resolved) That grace be granted to the respectable MARCO PAULO, relieving him of the penalty he has incurred for neglecting to have his water-pipe examined, seeing that he was ignorant of the order on that subject." (See the original resolution in Appendix C, No. 3.) The other reference, to M. Polo of S. Geremia, runs as follows :-- "That grace be granted to William the Goldsmith relieving him of the penalty which he is stated to have incurred on account of a spontoon (spontono, a loaded bludgeon) found upon him near the house of MARCO PAULO of Cannareggio, where he had landed to drink on his way from Mestre." (See Cicogna, V. p. 606.) ↑ Sansovino, Venezia, Città Nobilissima e Singolare, Descritta, &c., Ven. 1581, f. 236 v.; Barbaro, Alberi; Coronelli, Atlante Veneto, I. 19. |