the scramble. Then what would be our situation-England holding Cuba, France, Mexico?-John Quincy Adams, Memoirs, VI., 178-179, 186, 202, 207.

1823, Dec. 2. MONROE'S SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

At the proposal of the Russian imperial government, made through the minister of the emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. . . . In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition' which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

. . The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference pro

ceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as i

dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.

. . . Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere with the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government, de facto, as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference.-Williams, Statesman's Manual, I., 452-453, 460-461.

1824, Dec. 7. MONROE'S EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

These new states are settling down under governments, elective and representative in every branch, similar to our own. In this course we ardently wish them to persevere, under a firm conviction that it will promote their happiness. In this, their career, however, we have not interfered, believing that every people have a right to institute for themselves the government which, in their judgment, may suit them best. Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our neighbors, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in the expectation that other powers

will pursue the same policy. The deep interest which we take in their independence, which we have acknowledged, and in their enjoyment of all the rights incident thereto, especially in the very important one of instituting their own governments, has been declared, and is known to the world. Separated as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can have no concern in the wars of the European governments, nor in the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into whichever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is impossible for the European governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed, the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally applicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.-Williams, Statesman's Manual, I., 475– 476.

1825, Mar. 25. SECRETARY CLAY TO MINISTER POINsett.

Whatever foundation may have existed three centuries ago, or even at a later period, when all this Continent was under European subjection, for the establishment of a rule, founded on priority of discovery and occupation, for apportioning among the Powers of Europe parts of this Continent, none can be now admitted as applicable to its present condition. There is no disposition to disturb the Colonial possessions, as they may now exist, of any of the European Powers; but it is against the establishment of new European Colonies upon this Continent that the principle is directed. The countries in which any such new establishments might be attempted are now open to the enterprise and commerce of all Americans. And the justice or propriety cannot be recognized, of arbitrarily limiting and circumscribing that enterprise and commerce, by the act of voluntarily planting a new Colony, without the

consent of America, under the auspices of foreign Powers belonging to another and a distant Continent. Europe would be indignant at any American attempt to plant a Colony on any part of her shores, and her justice must perceive, in the rule contended for, only perfect reciprocity.

The other principle asserted in the message is, that, whilst we do not desire to interfere in Europe with the political system of the Allied Powers, we should regard, as dangerous to our peace and safety, any attempt, on their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere. The political systems of the two Continents are essentially different. Each has an exclusive right to judge for itself what is best suited to its own condition, and most likely to promote its happiness; but neither has a right to enforce upon the other the establishment of its peculiar system.-Register of Debates, 1825-26, II., Part 2, App., p. 84.

1825, Dec. 26. ADAMS'S SPECIAL MESSAGE.

An agreement between all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its borders, may be found advisable. This was, more than two years since, announced by my predecessor to the world, as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American Continents. It may be so developed to new Southern Nations, that they will all feel it as an essential appendage to their independence.-Register of Debates, 1825-26, II., Part 2, App.,

P. 43.

1826, Mar. 15. ADAMS'S SPECIAL MESSAGE.

The late President of the United States, in his message to Congress of the second December, 1823, while announcing the negotiation then pending with Russia, relating to the Northwest coast of this continent, observed, that the occasion of the discussions to which that incident had given rise, had been taken for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United Sates were involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they had assumed and maintained, were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Power.

The principle had first been assumed in that negotiation with Russia. It rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and conclusive. With the exception of the existing European Colonies, which it was in no wise intended to disturb, the two continents consisted of several sovereign and independent nations, whose territories covered their whole surface. By this, their independent condition, the United States enjoyed the right of commercial intercourse with every part of their possessions. To attempt the establishment of a colony in those possessions would be to usurp, to the exclusion of others, a commercial intercourse which was the common possession of all. It could not be done without encroaching upon existing rights of the United States.-Register of Debates, 1825-26, II., Part 2, App., pp. 70–71.

1826, Apr. 20.

DECLARATORY RESOLUTION OF THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

The House . . . do not intend to sanction any departure from the settled policy of this government; that in extending our commercial relation with foreign nations, we should have e with them as little political connection as possible; and that we should preserve peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and form entangling alliances with none. It is therefore the opinion of this House, that the government of the United States ought not to be represented at the Congress of Panama, except in a diplomatic character, nor ought they to form any alliance, offensive or defensive, or negotiate respecting such an alliance with all or any of the Spanish American republics; nor ought they to become parties with them, or either of them, to any joint declaration for the purpose of preventing the interference of any of the European powers with their independence or form of government, or to any compact for the purpose of preventing colonization upon the continent of America; but that the people of the United States should be left free to act, in any crisis, in such a manner as their feelings of friendship toward these republics and as their own. honor and policy may at the time dictate.-House Journal, 1825-26, pp. 451-452.