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need also be no hesitation in saying that neither the people nor their government get the value of this large sum of money. Much of it is wasted for want of system, a great deal more is devoted to the benefit of corrupt officials, and even the balance is assigned to many purposes that are no longer suitable to the age or the national requirements.

The revenue derived from foreign customs, which are collected by a large staff of European officials, first organised thirty years ago, and ably controlled from almost the beginning by Sir Robert Hart, exceeds five millions sterling now that the lekin is paid as part of the import duty. It provides the central government with a certain and increasing source of income, which enables it to meet pressing liabilities and to offer a specific guarantee for the payment of interest on any loans that it may raise in the European markets. Let it be noted to her credit that China has not turned her opportunities of borrowing money to undue account, like her neighbour Japan. Her pride, or perhaps a shrewd perception that the time will come when she can borrow money at a very much lower interest than is now expected, has prevented her incurring permanent liabilities for the sake of a temporary gain. A single year's income from customs alone would wipe out the total indebtedness of China, whereas the debt of Japan is several times as great as its whole revenue. The financial strength of China arises from the magnitude of its revenues and its freedom from indebtedness. Its financial weakness consists in the want of system with regard to the provincial revenue, and in the fact that the central executive has to defray all the substantial burdens of the Empire out of that portion of the taxes which reaches Pekin. It is not to be expected that any material improvement in these points can be effected until the means of communication have been greatly improved between the capital and the provincial seats of government.

The facts that have been recorded will perhaps have the effect of showing that the larger place which has been conceded to China in the family of nations of recent years is deserved on the whole by the condition of that country and the character of its government. Whether the work Is satisfactorily performed in every department of the administration or not, the rulers of China have at all times set themselves in earnest to the task of governing that vast country, and they have fairly faced the many problems arising from it. In China the raison d'être of the government is the benefit of the people. The daily work of the Emperor and his advisers is the discharge of the complicated and overwhelming business of the realm, which is mainly decided within the walls of the Imperial Palace at Pekin. Everything is conducted in an orderly manner and in strict accordance with what experience has shown to be politic and expedient. The meanest offender in China receives the same consideration as an accused viceroy at the hands of the whole hierarchy of Chinese judges until his sentence is finally pronounced or approved by the Emperor on the throne. In the busy hive of Chinese life none work harder than the bureaucrats at Pekin, and it must not be supposed that the drier duties of administration are not enlivened by discussions on la haute politique and diplomatic finesse. A service that has in our time produced such subtle minds as Li Hung Chang and the Marquis Tseng is not to be assigned a low place among the official systems of the age. This is not the place to discuss the bearings of Chinese policy in its relations with foreign countries, but it may be said that that policy will be based on the same solid facts as

underlie the structure of its government. It will be only a transitory phase, due to some passing apprehension, if it loses the national characteristics of confidence, persistency, and indifference to external opinion. The policy of China can never be one altogether agreeable to the contemplation of the interested foreigner. There must always be something in its nature akin to the Monroe doctrine, which, if enforced, would make the United States an unpleasant neighbour. But if we on our side are willing to make allowances for the position and traditions of the Chinese Emperor and his executive, there should be no difficulty in maintaining harmonious relations between England and China. In dealing with China we have some assurance that we are treating with a strong and stable government, for the weakness of China is more on the surface than at the core, and there is always a guarantee of durability when the institutions of a country are seen to be performing their expected functions. To this much credit the government of China can, without exaggeration, lay claim, and on that ground alone it is entitled to our respect.

374a

THE REIGN OF KWANGSU, 1890-1900.

THE accession of the Emperor Kwangsu to power synchronised with a period of comparative peace throughout the Empire. Whatever may be said or thought of the political leanings of the Dowager Empress, it must be confessed on all sides that she possesses in an eminent degree the power of governing. Although her regency had been disturbed by many foreign and domestic complications, they had one and all yielded to her administrative ability, and she was able to hand on to her nephew an Empire at peace within itself. It was well known that, young as he was, Kwangsu had, under the influence of his father, Prince Ch'un, developed a sympathy for the progressive party, and with all the enthusiasm of youth he had no sooner taken the reins of power than he set himself to reform many of the abuses which he found existing around him. Peculation, which, as a canker, has eaten deep into the national life, was one of the first objects of his attack, and his edicts on the subject are models of Imperial virtue. The redundancy of officials in the various departments, and the troops which exist only on paper, but for which commanding officers are accustomed to draw full pay and allowances, was sternly denounced in State papers. But these evils cannot be eradicated by Imperial platitudes, and in spite of the Emperor's most earnest exhortations the evils continued unabated.

Railways, also, were matters in which the young Imperial reformer showed much interest. He was inclined to give every support to Chang Chihtung's proposed trunk line between Peking and Hankow, and did his best to encourage that statesman in his endeavour to construct the line with the funds and materials to be obtained from native sources. Already the great Russian line through Siberia was giving the Chinese Government some apprehensions for the future, and Li Hungchang who, as the trusted councillor of the Empress, was regarded with favour by the young Emperor, threw the weight of his influence in favour of the continuation of the Tientsin and K'aip'ing line as far as Shanhai Kwan, and the construction of a further extension between Newchwang and Kirin in Manchuria. This last was regarded as a strategic measure, and formed part of a plan for the defence of Manchuria against the possibility of a Russian advance, which was already disturbing the Imperial councils. In furtherance of this object, garrisons of well-armed soldiers were established at various stations on the frontiers, and Krupp guns were bought and mounted for the protection of the Imperial province. Port Arthur,

which had lately been fortified by French engineers, was handed over as a point d'appui in the general scheme, and was fondly believed to be impregnable.

The fleet, which, by the enlightened co-operation of Prince Ch'un, had grown into a power under the command of Admiral Lang, had shown its steaming capabilities by undertaking a most unusual but successful cruise to Saigon, Singapore, and Manila. This arm of the national defences had made great and efficient strides under the guidance of the English admiral; but just as Gordon had found that, with the existing Chinese system, it was impossible for an Englishman to hold office in conjunction with Chinese mandarins, so Admiral Lang was led to recognise that he could no longer continue to hold the command while any power was left in the hands of the native officials. His interference with their illegal gains, and the assertion of his authority, gave rise to endless jealousies and intrigues against him. And so persistent and insupportable did these "pin pricks" become, that, most unwillingly, he was compelled to resign his command. The loss the fleet thus sustained was most unfortunate for the empire. It is impossible to believe that if Lang had been in command during the Japanese war, the disasters which then overtook the fleet could possibly have occurred. With the withdrawal of his hand a reign of neglect and carelessness set in, and the ships, which during his administration might have been compared with those of the European states, were allowed to rot and rust.

The death of Prince Ch'un (Jan. 1, 1891) was another blow to the success of the navy. This Prince, unlike the rest of his kith and kin, was ill-content to remain at Court, and had visited Tientsin and Port Arthur on tours of inspection in discharge of his duties as President of the Board of Admiralty. He was a man after the heart of his son, the Emperor, and was proportionately distasteful to that confirmed reactionary the Dowager Empress. Though he had been in bad health for some time, his death was sudden, as was that also of the Marquis Tsêng, who, after his return to Peking from representing his Government at the Court of St. James', had been accustomed to exert all his influence on the side of reform. From this time onwards a blight has seemed to fall on all those who have touched the vexed question of enlightened progress, and it is remarkable how of late years many of the prominent political opponents of the Empress have been carried off by more or less sudden deaths.

During the first year or two of the Emperor's rule diplomatic matters went smoothly enough, though not always in the direction which the best friends of the Empire could desire. By the Chefoo Convention the right of navigating the upper waters of the Yang-tsze was ceded to foreigners. This right, which it is true had never been exercised, was at this time abrogated by agreement, and it was not until within the last few weeks that, the right having been renewed, British gunboats have successfully ascended the four hundred miles of rapids which separate Ich'ang from Ch'ung K'ing. more fortunate diplomatic act was the delimitation of the Sikkim and Tibetan frontier, about which there had been constant controversy, and which, by the arrangement arrived at, was satisfactorily determined.

In March, 1891, the young Emperor for the first time received the foreign representatives in audience (see p. 353), and for a season things went well. But stormy times were ahead. A smouldering spirit of unrest

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