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no doubt, did what they could to deepen the impressions made on the Spaniards by the changed demeanor of the Mexicans. They were at hand to magnify every ill report, and to counsel any and every act of violence.

*

Alvarado resolved to strike a great blow, and mindful, perhaps, of the proverb, "He who attacks conquers" (Quien acomete vence), resolved to take advantage of the Tezcatlipuk festival to surprise and slay a great number of the Mexican nobility. It is quite probable that this festival was looked upon by the Spanish commander with great suspicion, and even that the demeanor of the Indians during the early days of the festival (which of course was not explained till long after by the researches of learned men) served to increase the Spanish suspicions.

I have no doubt that the horrid sacrifices in use among the Mexicans had made a deep impression on the Spanish soldiers, and that many a brave man, who would have faced death with unconcerned gallantry in the battle-field, had an extreme dread of being offered up as a sacrifice to the idols with the unpronounceable names. We may be sure that alarming rumors, which have even found their way into grave history, were loudly current then among the soldiers, such as that the Indian women had their cooking vessels ready to boil the bodies of the Spaniards in.† In the affairs of life, what is said and what is thought are almost of more importance than what is done. Most histories are too wise, concerning themselves too much wi

* See BERNAL DIAZ, cap. 125.

"Indias tenian prevenidas, que cuidaban de Ollas, llenas de su Brevage, para cocer á los Castellanos, y comérselos."-TORQUEMADA, Monarquía Indiana, lib. iv., cap. 66.

what really happened, and not taking heed enough of the wild reports and rumors which were nearly as good as facts for the time they were believed in.

It is, therefore, no matter of surprise to hear that when the sacred dance,* above described as the closing ceremony of the feast to the Mexican Jupiter, was being celebrated, Alvarado's troops made an onslaught upon the weaponless Mexican lords, and slew no less. than six hundred of them. This atrocity, as might have been expected, was the signal for an instant outbreak on the part of the populace. Alvarado was not skilled, like his master Cortez, in the art of creating and maintaining terror; but, indeed, the slightest knowledge of the world might have told him that such a wholesale massacre, destroying the chief men, and, therefore, the restraining power over the Mexican populace, would, so far from quelling revolt, be likely to give it ample breathing room. The little garrison of Spaniards, instead of being masters of the town, were instantly in the condition of a distressed and besieged party, and it would have gone very hard with them if Montezuma had not endeavored to make his furious subjects desist from the attack.†

Such was the disastrous state of things communicated to Cortez in return for the tidings which he had sent to Mexico of his victory. Indeed, the life of Cor

* Some authors have supposed that this dance was the one which they called Macevaliztli, which means "reward with labor" (merecimiento con trabajo).—See GOMARA, Crónica de Nueva-España, cap. 104. BARCIA, Historiadores, tom. ii.

+ This is confirmed by three distinct authorities, each of great weight: BERNAL DIAZ, cap. 125; IXTLILXOCHITL, Histoire des Chichimèques, part ii., cap. 88; TERNAUX-COMPANS, Voyages, and Cortez himself, LORENZANA, p. 131.

tez was like a buoyant substance borne on a tumultuous sea: if it descended from the crest of one wave to the hollow of another, it did not remain depressed, but mounted up again, and when the by-stander turned to look, it was perhaps on the summit of a still higher and mightier wave than before. As may be imagined, he lost no time on this occasion in seeking to repair the evils which had befallen the Spanish arms in Mexico. He recalled the expeditions which he had sent out; he addressed the former followers of Narvaez, showing them that here was an opportunity for service both honorable and lucrative; and, the instant necessity for action being an immediate bond of union among brave men, he forthwith commenced his march for the capital. At Tlascala all was friendly to him; he there reviewed his men, and found that they amounted to thirteen hundred soldiers, among whom were ninety-six horsemen, eighty cross-bowmen, and about eighty musketeers.† Cortez marched with great strides to Mexico, and entered the city at the head of this formidable force on the 24th of June, 1520, the day of John the Baptist.

"En esta tan urgente necesidad, Amigos, y no Amigos, con gran voluntad se le ofrecieron, y se armaron los que no lo estaban."-TORQUEMADA, Monarquía Indiana, lib. iv., cap. 67.

† Accounts vary very much about the number of these forces; the one adopted here is from Bernal Diaz. Cortez himself mentions but five hundred foot-soldiers and seventy horsemen (LORENZAna, p.

131); but it seems to me that this must be incorrect.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE RECEPTION OF CORTEZ IN MEXICO. -GENERAL ATTACK UPON THE SPANISH QUARTERS. FLIGHT FROM MEXICO

TO TLACUBA. -BATTLE OF OTUMBA.
TO TLASCALA.

VERY

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ERY different was the reception of Cortez on this occasion from that on his first entry into Mexico, when Montezuma had gone forth with all pomp to meet him. Now, the Indians stood silently in the doorways of their houses, and the bridges between the houses were taken up.* Even when he arrived at his own quarters he found the gates barred, so strict had been the siege, and he had to demand an entry. Alvarado appeared upon the battlements, and asked if Cortez came in the same liberty with which he went out, and if he was still their general. Cortez replied "Yes;" that he came with victory and with increased forces. The gates were then opened, and Cortez and his companions entered. He had to hear the excuses of Alvarado for conduct which a prudent man like Cortez must have disapproved, but which he did not dare to punish then. His aspect was gloomy, and one who must have seen him that day describes him by an epithet which, in the original meaning, was exceedingly applicable. BERNAL DIAZ says that Cortez was mohino, an adjective which is applied to one who plays in a game against many others.

* "Vieron las puentes de unas casas á otras, quitadas, y otras malas señales."-HERRERA, Hist. de las Indias, tom. ii., dec. ii., lib. x., cap. 8.

The alternation of success and disappointment seems for once to have tried the equal temper and patient mind of the Spanish general. He sent a cold or an uncourteous message to Montezuma, the foolishness of which he seems afterward to have been well aware of, and, with the candor of a great man about his own errors, to have acknowledged.*

At the moment, however, Cortez could give but little attention to any thing but the pressing wants of the garrison. He lodged his own men in their old quarters, and placed in the great temple the additional forces he had brought with him. The next morning he sent out a messenger to Vera Cruz, probably with a view to ascertain how he would be received in the streets; but not more than half an hour had elapsed before the messenger returned, being wounded, and crying out that all the citizens were in revolt, and that the draw-bridges were raised.

It appears likely that before Cortez dispatched this messenger he had sent a threatening message to Montezuma, desiring him to give orders for the attendance of the people in the market-place, in order that the Spaniards might be able to buy provisions. Montezuma's reply was that he and the greater part of his servants were prisoners, and that Cortez, should set free and send out whomsoever he wished to intrust with the execution of the necessary orders. Cortez chose for this purpose Montezuma's brother, the Lord of Iztapalapa; but when that prince came among the citizens, his message was not listened to, and he was

* "Muchos han dicho, aver oydo dezir a Hernando Cortés, que si en llegando visitara á Motezuma, sus cosas passaran bien: y que lo dexó estimandole en poco, por hallarse tan poderoso."—HERRERA, Hist. de las Indias, dec. ii., lib. x., cap. 8.

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