The diet being diffolved, the king returned to Stockholm, where, at a masquerade in the opera-houfe, on the night of the 16th of March, he was fhot with a pistol by an assassin, named Ankerftroem and, having lived in great pain till the 29th of that month, he expired.

This affaffination was committed in confequence of a confpiracy among fome of the difcontented nobles; fo that the Swedish ariftocracy has prevented Guftavus from attemping to reflore that of France: and it has become difficult to decide whether aristocrats or democrats be the most dangerous enemies to regal power. The chief confpirators are faid to have been baron Pechlin, counts Horn and Ribbing. Baron Bielke, the king's fecretary, another confpirator, prevented the torture by taking poifon. It is fingular that the very court of Guftavus III. was compofed of his enemies; while, conscious of the difhonour which he had brought upon the aristocracy of his country, his prudence might have directed a different procedure. He was a prince of diftinguifhed abilities: the plata of the revolution of 1772, which rendered him abfolute, was laid at Paris, where he was when his father died; but he executed it with great art, and decided refolution. As the nobles, whom he crufhed, were fupported by Ruffia, to which power they facrificed the interefts of their country, the defpotifm of Guftavus was a defperate, but the only, remedy; and he was rather beloved by his people. Yet neither he, nor the Danish kings, while the national voice could alone enable them to overcome the aristocracy, have had the generofity to raife the third eftate, by a free reprefentation, to its proper weight, though a measure of founder and more durable policy, and more advantageous to the industry and importance of their ftates, and of courfe to the wealth and power of the monarch, than that ruinous defpotifm which tramples on all ranks; which, by defolating the kingdom, at length fubdues it to foreign power, and extinguishes the line of princes, who perifh by the very wounds which they have inflicted,

The regency is, by the king's will, the authority of which may however well be difputed by fome future diet, invested in his brother, the duke of Sudermania, and a council; and is to continue till the prince, now fourteen years of age, fhall have attained the age of eighteen. It is probable that the attempts of the nobles to regain their influence may much disturb the regency, especially if they follow the ancient example of the English barons, and interest the people at large in their claims.

DENMARK.

Count Schimmelman, minister of ftate, finances, and commerce, has the merit of accomplishing the abolition of the flave

trade

trade among the fubjects of Denmark. His plan was approved by the king on the 22d of February laft, and is to be gradual. The difintereftedness of this minifter; who poffeffes large eftates in the Danish Weft India iflands, recommends his exertions to the greater praifc.

A fcheme for defraying the national debt has been fuggested and followed. One million has already been difcharged.

ITALY.

The pope continues to threaten dreadful anathemas against thofe French clergy who have taken the civic oath; and to folicit the catholic counts, and even the Greek heretics of Ruf fia, for affistance in the recovery of Avignon.

SPAIN.

The fudden difmiffion of count Florida Blanca from the of fice of prime minifter, originates in caufes not difclofed. It is imagined that the court found this ftep neceffary, to appeafe the public murmur at fome late measures, particularly the edict concerning ftrangers, which contributed to impofe further fetters on commerce, and which has fince been repealed. On the 28th of February the minifter was removed; and count d'Aranda, an old ftatefman, a warm friend of the queen and nobility of France, holds his employments till fome other arrange ment can be formed. The fuperintendency over all the de partments of the Spanish government is vefted in the council of ftate, of which his catholic majefty has declared himself prefident, and the count d' Aranda fenior member. Such are the terms of the Gazette, which are not a little fingular.

PORTUGAL.

On the 10th of March the prince of Brazil, as prefumptive heir to thecrown, published an edit, declaring that as his mo ther, from her unhappy fituation, was incapable of managing the affairs of government, he would place his fignature to public papers, till the return of her health; and that no other change fhould be made in the forms.

The queen is difordered by religious melancholy; and Dr. Willis has been called to cure another fovereign: a fingular phenomenon in history!

PRUSSIA.

The Pruffian monarch has made preparations, and will doubtlefs affift the king of Hungary in the war against France.

GER

GERMANY.

Most of the late tranfactions of this empire, as relating to the affairs of France, are referved for a latter article, under which they will appear more clear and connected. After much irrefolution the late emperor feemed at length refolved on war, when he died of a pleuretic fever on the firft of March, after an illness of four days. One of the laft actions of his reign was a declaration against the freedom of the prefs, restricting all works on government to a large fize, that they might be confined to a few readers,

It is little doubted that his fon Francis, now king of Hungary and Bohemia, will be chofen emperor at the election in the beginning of July. Meanwhile the politics of the court of Vienna continue unchanged; and Francis feems even a more violent enemy to the French revolution than his father. Attached to his uncle's example, he is fond of war; but his conftitution is faid to be weak, and his abilities have not been tried.

NDS

AUSTRIAN NETHERLANDS.

Thefe fair provinces are little fatisfied with the Auftrian government, but are kept in awe by a numerous foldiery. The aristocracy, jealous of the people whofe rights they trampled on during the late infurrection, are beginning at length to conciliate measures with the fovereign. Some politicians think it probable that the advance of a French army may occafion a commotion of the people.

FRANCE.

The dubious and undecided conduct of the emperor, and the refuge and protection found in the German empire by the emigrant princes, excited France to vigorous refolutions; and the celebrated manifefto, addreffed to all ftates and nations, made its appearance. In this production, which does honour to the pen of M. Condorcet, the motives are detailed which induce France to hoftilities, not offenfive, in violation of her recent constitution, as fome fuperficial obfervers might infer, but in mere and neceffary defence against the unbearable infults, and warlike preparations, of the refugees in the adjacent countries of Germany; infults which, if passed in filence, might have degraded the new order of affairs in the eyes even of the French nation; and preparations, which requiring continuous exertions and expenditure to guard againft, occafioned all the inconveniences of war. It was to be apprehended that suf

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pence

pence might have given rife to timidity, and diftruft; and in the difputes of nations the most vigorous defence is exerted in ftriking the first blow.

The forcible measures purfued had the effect of intimidating the German princes; and the emigrants were constrained to an ignominious difperfion from the frontiers. But the protection of the emperor, and of the Pruffian king, afforded them afylums more remote and lefs obtrusive.

Irrefolution feemed to prefide in the councils of the emperor, a monarch more eminent for the mild virtues of peace than for the exertions of war. He had acknowledged the national flag, he had declared that he regarded the king of the French as abfolutely free, while the league of Pilnitz, (which, as is now avowed by the court of Vienna, was not only intended to fecure Germany from fuch a revolution as France had experienced, but even to extinguish the dreaded fource) and the protection afforded to the emigrants, were infallible proofs that the emperor could not be regarded as a friend.

In this ftate of affairs the affembly deliberated on the report of the diplomatic committee, which tended to prove that France had nothing to dread from the league which was formed. The emperor's conduct was reprefented as only calculated to intimidate France into a confent to a congrefs, which fhould revive her conftitution, or rather destroy it. From a war he could gain nothing, but must weaken his military ftrength, and exhaust his treasury. The alliance with the houfe of Auftria was reproba ted; and it was afferted that, fince the treaty of 1756, France had made many facrifices in fupport of that houfe, facrifices repaid by the prefent infults. The emperor had protected the emigrants; had formed a league against France; had fent circular letters to the European powers, perfuading them to unite against the attempts of reafon and liberty.

Among the numerous important confequences of the French revolution, must be placed the total change of European politics, to which it has led. Previous to this fingular event there was what is called a balance of power; and to preferve this, if two or more ftates formed an alliance, an oppofite league was fure to appear. At present there seems a general alliance in Europe against one nation. The fcheme of politics has become fo new, that the routine of cabinets and minifters affords no precedents. If the inimical powers were to difmember France, and the more enterprifing to have the largest fhare, what would become of the balance of power, and of the liberties of Europe, thofe pretexts of conftant wars for three centuries? The paffions of kings muft render them inimical to this revolution; but what country can have a real interest in

oppofing it? What would be our feelings if the European monarchs were to guarantee the English conftitution, and to declare that no improvements fhould be made? Yet this laft event is not improbable, among the wonders which have followed the French revolution, which has been fucceeded by fingularities in most countries: in England it has caused a reconciliation between the stock and branches of the royal family; in the Auftrian Netherlands it has forced the hierarchy and aristocracy to an agreement with the fovereign against the people.

The national affembly, though inclined to war, permitted a further trial of negotiation; but decreed that the emigrant princes fhould have no claim to the regency, as the time allotted for their return was expired. Soon after the king was required to notify to the emperor, that if he did not declare before the first day of May, his intention to live in amity with the French nation, and to renounce all treaties against its independence and fafety, his filence fhould be interpreted as a declaration of war.

Fresh and ungrounded fufpicions were raised that the king meditated a fecond flight; but Louis quieted these apprehenfions by the most folemn affurances of his attachment to the conftitution.

Towards the middle of February, the imperial ambaslador at Paris delivered an answer from his court to the French requi fition. It bore that the orders fent to general Bender, to prepare for war, were only intended to defend the electorate of Treves, if invaded: that it was true that the treaty of Pilnitz obliged the emperor and the Pruffian monarch to fupport the caufe of Louis against his rebellious oppreffors, but that his avengers were difarmed by his being left at perfect freedom. Many expreffions were added, full of the old Auftrian pride, reflecting on the French nation as rebels, and pointing out the republicans and jacobins as objects of horror. In fhort, the papal bulls against the doctrines of the reformed feem to have afforded the model for this fingular refcript, fo unworthy of the moderation of a cabinet, or the dignity of a monarch.-The Pruffian minifter alfo fent a letter avowing the fame principles.

While we thus freely cenfure the conduct of those powers who oppose the new fyftem, it may be afferted that nothing debafes the conftitution of France more, in the eyes of indifferent fpectators, than thofe clubs which interfere with the legislation and government; and thofe deities of the galleries in the fenate, who are fo ready to applaud or to condemn. The national affembly ought to be regarded APP. VOL. IV. NEW ARR. R:

as