done refpecting ecclefiaftics, and on the other with the stato of their Weft India flaves, shows that it was a rafh inconfiderate undigested attempt.

The fuppofed intention of the king to escape to Metz cannot at prefent be elucidated. From the circumstances in which the king and queen were, it is probable, that fuch an attempt was in contemplation. If it was fo, however, the idea must have been fuddenly conceived at the dinner of the officers; for if it had been planned previously, they would not have appeared there, or they would have taken advantage of the moment of returning loyalty to put it into immediate execution. There are fome infinuations of a plot against the perfon of the king, and it is hinted, that he might have been urged to the efcape, and, in the tumult that might have enfued, been destroyed. This plot is attributed to Mirabeau, whofe object was to raife the duke of Orleans to the regency, and ultimately, perhaps, to the throne. The events, which brought on and terminated the removal of the king to Paris, are yet little known. Our author leans to the account given by Mr. Burke from M. Lally Tollendal, and admits only, that the centinel reco vered from his wounds, and that the fearching the queen's bed is a fact not clearly afcertained.

Mirabeau, at the very moment of the Affembly's departure for Paris, propofed an addrefs to the provinces, in which taphorically faid, that now "the veffel of public bufinefs would

was me

proceed in its courfe more rapidly than ever." This propofal excited indignation'in many minds, as it feemed to convey a manifeft approbation of the plot formed to force the national aflembly into Paris. Mirabeau was looked on with abhorrence by one party, with fufpicion by all, and the flender reed on which he had tried to lean failed him at once. La Fayette had neither forgoitea nor forgiven the difobedient fpirit of his troops on the 5th of October; he certainly attributed it to the Duc of Orlean's agents, though we know not exactly on what proofs he grounded his opi nion; and he has certainly drove the Duc of Orleans into his well-known journey to England, though we are not acquainted with the private converfations that paffed on the occafion. It was attefted before the Chatelet, that when Mirabeau heard of the Duc of Orleans's refolution, he abufed him with all the energy of the French vulgar tongue, and concluded by exclaiming, "He "does not deferve the trouble that has been taken for his fake!" Mirabeau, in his fpeech of defence against the Chatelet, owned, that "indignation made him utter indifcreet and infolent fpeeches," without confeffing precifely what they were.'

Various circumftances, which show the intimate connection between Mirabeau and the duke of Orleans, are added in dif

2.

ferent

ferent parts of the work; and many reafons to think that Mirabeau, in all his propofitions to the affembly, was not actuated by that patriotic, difinterested spirit which he always profeffed to feel. In the amount of the king's civil lift, and the declaration in favour of Spain, he was neither the friend of liberty, nor of his country.

The attack on nobility, on the armorial bearings, is very properly reprefented by our author as a ftudied infult, and not lefs affecting, because the latter was a trifling object. We always confidered it as mean, unmanly, and injudicious. It was the bufinefs of the affembly to conciliate all parties, to engage all in the general caufe: the nobles were laid low, and fome might, at laft, have affifted them; the whole united, might have at leaft teized them, and retarded their great work. They are struggling at this moment with the confequences of this rafh act. The remarks on the internal regulation of the adminiftration, and the committee of mendicity, are worth tranfcribing.

The internal administration of the government and police of the kingdom may be ranked under this head, and the divifion of the kingdom into municipalities included within the districts and anfwerable to them, whilst the districts are includeded within and aniwerable to the elective adminiftrations of the eighty larger departments; this divifion, I fay, this gradual fcale of elective powers, has been the fubject of, to fome writers, unbounded admiration. But where is the highest point of this political feale, and to what power are the eighty departments anfwerable? This is fomewhat like the question which is faid to puzzle an Indian philofopher: the world is fupported by an elephant, the elephant by a tortoife-Very well, but how is the tortoise Supported?"

It will appear to all who read the debates of this last spring, that the national affembly have often felt this difficulty, however their friends in England may have difregarded it. They dare not entruft any effectual power of controul to king or minister, and to erect any body of magiftrates, with power to call these petty republics to account, would be aristocracy, a word more cdious to a Frenchman's ears than defpotifm itself.

Whilft the fubje&t of internal police is mentioned, it may be proper to obferve, that the affembly, who have fcornfully rejected that independence of judges which even republicans in England have never attacked, have frequently fhewn a difpofition to adopt our Aystem of poors rates, that part of our internal government which fpeculative writers have most questioned, and for which a hundred plans of reformation have been propofed, though none have been yet carried into execution. If the committee of mendicity, as it is

called,

Called, can hit upon any plan that can reconcile humanity, œconomy, and the due encouragement of induftry, may they profper in their views! England, in this inftance will not deny that it may be outdone. But firft let a native of England be allowed to tell the French democrats a truth, which few Englishmen will deny. The internal management of our parishes is one of the most democratic parts of our conftitution, and at the fame time one of the molt abufed. The churchwardens and overfeers elected by the Tierr Etat of England, and anfwerable to that alone, are frequently accufed of grofs corruption, litigioufnefs, and inhumanity. And on the whole, the belt-managed parishes, and thofe where the poor are most kindly treated, are thofe that are fuperintended by landed gentlemen of confiderable property and family long refident in the neighbourhood, that order of fociety at prefent fo perfecuted and degraded in France.'

An account of different riots, the fupinenefs of the affembly, and the different events, which conclude the year 1790, we need not particularly detail; they contain no very import ant event; but our author's reflections are judicious, and we might occafionally tranfcribe with approbation, or animadvert a little on different paffages, if our limits would admit. In the Appendix to this firil part, there are various documents and illuftrations of the narrative. There is a curious diftinction in the attention which the affembly paid to the different ftates of America. In reply to the compliment, on account of their wearing mourning on the death of Franklin, their complaifance to Penfylvania was unbounded: to the other ftates, not fo purely democratical, the neglect of a form was deemed fufficient to induce them to preferve a fullen filence.

The fecond part carries on the narrative to the diffolution of the affembly; but the facts are better known, and more clearly afcertained; prejudice has not interpofed her coloured veil, and atrocity has nothing very odious to hide, except at Avignon and Charpentras. The philofophical humanity of the aflembly fpared the lives of robbers, and decreed the pu nichment of death only to murder and high-treafon. Their treasonable code, in its bloody form, is condemned by the hiftorian, as no laws are fo liable to be wrefted to the purpofe of faction and cruelty. At the fame time, they took from the king the power of pardoning or commuting the punishment; a neceflary ftep, when the king and the people are in oppofite partics. The flight of Louis, the refignation of M. Fayette, and his breaking the mutinous company of grenadiers, reftored the nation to a little firmnefs and reflection. The conduct of the affembly became more conciliating, the troops obedient, and the riot of the 17th of July was crushed with

firmnefs

firmness and spirit. We have little hesitation in adding, that if the former affembly could have continued two years longer, the revolution would have been established with tolerable fecurity: at prefent, its disjointed, ill-connected parts, rather than foreign oppofition, feem to portend its ruin.

The affumption of fovereignty, fhown by that part of the conftitution which prevents a charge till four fucceffive affemblies fhall call for a revocation, or till the period mentioned for the revision, is confidered by our author as improper; inconfiftent with the first profeffions, and ufelefs, if the people, at any period, choofe to interfere. But this fubject would require much difcuffion: it was neceflary, perhaps, to give the innovating fpirit time to cool, to fuffer the proposed code to be fairly tried, and to reprefs every eager impetuous reformer. The house at laft broke up, and a more remarkable furrender of abfolute power has never,' it is added, taken place fince the abdication of Sylla, though Sylla's abdication has not abfolved his memory from the guilt of ufurpation and tyrannical government.' This infinuation is not commend able: it is, indeed, in many refpects: reprehenfible. The delegates were chofen by the people, they ftruggled with def potifm, and they conquered. Numerous were, undoubtedly, their faults, but they did not betray the truft repofed in them; and, if they exceeded their inftructions, it has not appeared, that their conduct has been condemned by their conftituents: they have funk into the rank of private citizens, if not innocent, unaccused, and if not always meritorious, unmolested.

We

The fubfequent reflections difplay the judgment, the learning, the penetration of the author, and it must be owned, that in these he appeared a writer of no mean rank. can only notice a few of thefe concluding obfervations. He profeffes himfelf an enemy to innovation, whatever is the government, and is unwilling to facrifice tranquillity to a fancied perfection, or even a real melioration, if it be fought in the fields of civil conteft. That thefe events will retard the progrefs of liberty, as he feems to think, or, that the revolu tion in France will not prevent future wars, are opinions not equally clear. We fufpect that, in both thefe opinions, he is mistaken; and though we ought to praife the extent of learning and the perfpicuity of reafoning, with which the laft is fupported, we could fhow, if the limits of a Journal admitted fuch difquifitions, that his inftances and arguments are not always applicable to the prefent ftate of fociety. The obfervations on the revolution in Poland are very judicious and proper. The effects of the revolution on the neighbouring countries, particularly Liege and Avignon, are not, in

deed,

deed, very inviting: the revolution of Avignon is detailed at fome length, and a horrid tale it is. Humanity fhudders at reflecting on thefe firft fruits of univerfal peace, and if among thefe, the riots of Birmingham be reckoned, the view will be more dreadful. Whatever may in the iffue be proved against the churchmen on this fubject, muft certainly be ultimately referred to the unadvifed raíh language of their opponents.Language did we fay? It was more, for thofe who could endeavour to draw partizans from the remoteft corner of the kingdom, who could correfpond with every infignificant club of artists, who could unite all thefe into one body, at one moment, under pretence of celebrating the French Revolution, at a time too, fo near to that when a numerous affembly had drawn the nation into the most iniminent danger, can fcarcely be fup posed to have the affairs of France only in their view. They prepared an earthquake, but it was loft in a diftant clap of thunder, whofe direction was very different from what was intended. We have only room to add, that our author quotes fome doubtful paffages, which appeared in the democratic journals of Paris at that æra, and hint at an impending infurrection in England: they may, however, have been accidental.

The Statifical Account of Scotland. Drawn up from the Communications of the Minifters of the different Parishes. By J. Sinclair, Bart. 2 Vols. 8vo. 125. boards. Stockdale. 1791. Tappears that about two years ago, fir John Sinclair circulated among the clergy of the church of Scotland a variety of queries, for the purpofe of elucidating the natural hiftory and political state of that country. His original idea was, to have drawn up from their returns a general statistical view of North Britain, without any particular reference to parochial districts. But he found fuch merit and ability, and fo many ufeful facts and important obfervations in the anfwers which were fent him, that he could not think of depriving the clergy of the credit they were entitled to derive from such laborious exertions; and he was thence induced to give the work to the public in its prefent fhape; diftinguifhing the different parishes, but independently of any geographical, or other mode of con nexion between them.

Sir John Sinclair obferves, that it would have been more defirable to have had the accounts of the different parishes arranged by prefbyteries or counties, for the purpose of con nexion, and to prevent repetition, where the circumstances of the different diftricts were nearly fimilar. But it was not to

be