his own.

per annum, on a mortgage in America, paid punctually. An eftate of two hundred pounds per annum in Middlefex, for another gentleman's life; but whofe life he had infured against A thoufand pounds on a turnpike in England, at four per cent. interest. One thoufand five hundred pounds, at five per cent. His half-pay, one hundred and thirty-fix pounds per annum : in all, nine hundred and thirty-one pounds per annum, clear income. He had, befides, in his agent's hands, and different debts, about twelve hundred pounds; with ten thousand acres of land in the island of St. John, which had been fettled at the expence of feven hundred pounds; and a mandamus for twenty thoufand acres in Eaft Florida.

It appears, that general Lee died at an inn, after an illness of a few days, in October, 1782: his happiness did not encreafe with his labours for establishing the independence of America. Difappointment, we are told, had foured his temper; and numerous inftances of private defamation had fo provoked him, that he became, in a degree, angry with all

mankind.

Of the miscellaneous pieces, now publifhed from his papers, the firft is a sketch of a plan for the formation of a military colony. This is fucceeded by an effay on the Coup d'Ocil; a picture of the countess of; an account of a conversation, chiefly relative to the army; an epistle to David Hume efq; and a political effay.

We next meet with a paper entitled, a breakfast for Rivington; to the people of America, to the gentlemen of the pro... vincial congrefs of Virginia; on a famous trial in the court of common pleas, between general Moftyn, governor of Minorca, and an inhabitant of that island; a fhort hiftory of the treatment of major-general Conway, late in the fervice of America; propofals for the formation of a body of light troops, ready to be detached on an emergent occafion; fome queries, political and military, humbly offered to the confideration of the public; with a copy of general Lee's laft will. Then follows a feries of letters to general Lee from feveral eminent characters both in Europe and America. Among thefe is a letter from Dr. Franklin, dated Feb. 11th, 1776, where he writes in these terms:

They ftill talk big in England, and threaten hard; but their language is fomewhat civiller, at leaft, not quite fo disrespectful to us. By degrees they come to their fenfes, but too late, I fancy, for their intereft.

We have got a large quantity of falt-petre, one hundred and twenty ton, and thirty more expected. Powder-mills are now wanting; I believe we must fet to work and make it by hand.

But

But I still wish, with you; that pikes could be introduced, and I would add bows and arrows: thefe were good weapons, not wifely laid afide:

't. Because a man may fhoot as truly with a bow as with a common muket.

2d. He can discharge four arrows in the time of charging and discharging one bullet.

3d. His object is not taken from his view by the fmoke of his own fide.

4th. A flight of arrows feen coming upon them, terrifies and disturbs the enemies' attention to his bufinefs.

5th. An arrow ftriking in any part of a man, puts him bors du combat till it is extracted.

6th. Bows and arrows are more eafily provided everywhere than muskets and ammunition.

Polydore Virgil, fpeaking of one of our battles against the French in Edward the Third's reign, mentions the great confufion the enemy was thrown into, fagittarum nube, from the English; and concludes, Eft res profecto dictu mirabiles, ut tantus ac potens exercitus a folis fere Anglicis fagittariis vi&us fuerit; adeo Anglus eft fagitti potens, et id genus armorum valet. If fo much execution was done by arrows when men wore fome defenfive armonr, how much more might be done now that is out of use !'

Among the letters from general Lee, the first is addreffed to the king of Poland; in which the writer expreffes his aftonishment at Mr. Pitt's having accepted a peerage; and goes fo far as to afcribe that incident to a real failure of understanding.

It is manifeft, fays he, from a thoufand circumftances, that with the health and frame of this extraordinary man, the underftanding is likewise worn out. Before I came to England, I did not lay much stress on those parts of his conduct which the newfpapers have fo worried; and I recollect your majesty was of the fame way of thinking, that there was nothing very monftrous in his acceptance of a peerage, but that it might be imprudent, and argued a fenfeleffnefs of glory, to forfeit the name of Pitt for any title the king could bestow. But fince I am a little more behind the scenes, and am made acquainted with feveral circumftances previous, concomitant, and fubfequent to this event, I am apt to agree with the majority of the better fort, that this once noble mind is quite overthrown. Can it be reconciled to reason, that the fame man who had rendered his name fo illuftrious and fo tremendous to the greatest part of the globe, fhould split upon rib. bons and titles; that when he had arrived at a higher pinnacle of glory than ever citizen did fince the days of Epaminondas, he

fhould

fhould be captivated by fuch a bauble, even though it should be attended with no ill confequences to the affairs of his country? but when fuch terrible ones were visible, it must be conftrued downright madness. Mr. Pitt, fay they, was the only man who had capacity, fpirit, and power to affert the honour and intereft of the nation with foreign ftates, correct the abuses, and item the torrent of corruption at home. His power was not founded on vaft property or cabinet favour, but on his popularity. By finking into a peerage, his popularity would vanish of courfe, and with it all power of rendering, at a moft critical time, any farther fervices to his country.'

Lord Camden, in particular, concluding this refolution to be a fhort fit of compliance, and that his friend would foon fee the danger of the measure, delayed the figning of the patent for two days. But his lordship was miftaken, the diforder had taken deeper root than he imagined; no girl could fhew more impatience for a new toy, than this firft of men did, till the testimony of his folly was figned and fcaled to the whole world. Your majesty will probably object, that though Mr. Pitt played the child in one article, it is no proof of the general failure of his understanding; that no man was ever bleffed with fo entire faculties, as not, on fome particular occafion, and in fome unlucky moment, to betray weakness. But this is not the cafe with Pitt, the decay of his parts is not only indicated by the act itself, but confirmed by his conduct in public and private character: in public the doctrines he broaches are diametrically the reverse of what. he has, through the whole courfe of his life, afferted: in private, he is totally metamorphofed from the extreme of plainnefs and fimplicity, he is all parade, magnificence and oftentation.'

In a letter to Mr. Coleman, dated Warfaw, May 1ft, 1767, we meet with the following paffage, trongly expreffive of the general's peculiarity of fentiment, and forming a direct contraft to an opinion delivered refpecting an amiable fovereign, in a preceding part of the volume. He writes thus:

The fituation of the k- is really to be lamented, notwithftanding he wears a crown. He is an honeft, virtuous man, and a friend to the rights of mankind. I wish we could perfuade a prince of my acquaintance, who is taught, (as far as he can be taught any thing), to hate them, to exchange with him. I know a nation that could fpare a whole family, mother, and all to the Poles, and only take in exchange this one man. I could fay many things on this fubject, digna literis noftris, fed non committenda ejufmodi periculo, ut aut interire, aut aperiri, aut intercipi poffint.

In a letter to Mrs. M'Cauley, he speaks of a celebrated character in the following terms:

It is impoffible, fays he, to have the leaft connection with Fox, either of a political or a private nature; without fmarting for it every thing he touches becomes putrid and prostitute. I hope your brother will have the grace to break this accurfed connection, which has diverted fuch excellent parts from their true ufe, blafted all the hopes which his real friends and his country had a right to entertain of him; that he will fee, in its proper colours, the odioufnefs of dependency and venality, particularly in a man of fortune; and that he may, by his future conduct, make an ample recompence to the opulent county which has chofe him for their hitherto difappointment.'

In a letter to Dr. Rufh, of Philadelphia, he delineates the character of general Howe, in colours which at least are expreffive.

You will think it odd, that I fhould feem to be an apologist for general Howe: I know not how it happens, but when I have taken prejudices in favour, or against a man, I find it a difficulty in fhaking them off. From my first acquaintance with Mr. Howe, I liked him: I thought him friendly, candid, good natured, brave, and rather fenfible than the reverse. I believe ftill, that he is naturally fo; but a corrupt, or, more properly, no education, the fashion of the times, and the reigning idolatry amongst the English, (particularly the foldiery ;) for every feeptered calf, awolf, bog, or ass, have fo totally perverted his underflanding and heart, that private friendship has not force fufficient to keep a door open for the admittance of mercy towards political heretics. He was, befides, perfuaded that I was doubly criminal, both as a traitor and deferter. In short, fo totally was he enebriated with this idea, that I am convinced he would have thought himself both politically and morally damned had he acted any other part than what he did. He is, befides, the moft indolent of mortals: never took farther pains to examine the merits or demerits of the cause in which he was engaged, than merely to recollect, that Great Britain was faid to be the mother country, George the Third king of Great Britain, that the parliament was called the reprefentatives of Great Britain, that the king and parliament formed the fupreme power, that a fupreme power is abfolute and uncontrolable, that all refiftance muft, confequently, be rebellion; but, above all, that he was a foldier, and bound to obey in all cafes whatever.

These are his notions, and this his logic;, but through these abfurdities I could diftinguish, when he was left to himself, rays of friendship and good nature breaking out. It is true, he was feldom left to himfelf; for never poor mortal, thrust into high ftation, was furrounded by fuch fools and fcoundrels. M'Kenfey, C. R. N. AR. (IV.) March, 1792. Balfour,

Balfour, Galloway, were his counfellors: they urged him to all his acts of harshness; they were his fcribes: all the damned ftuff which was iffued to the affonifhed world was theirs. I believe he fcarcely ever read the letters he figned. You will fcarcely believe it, but I can affure you as a fact, that he never read the curious proclamation, iffued at the head of Elk, till three days after it was published. You will fay, that I am drawing my friend Howe in more ridiculous colours than he has yet been reprefented in ; but this is his real character. He is naturally good humoured, complaifant, but illiterate and indolent to the last degree, unless as an executive foldier, in which capacity he is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius Cæfar. His understanding is, as I obferved before, rather good than otherwife; but was totally confounded and ftupified by the immenfity of the tafk impofed upon him. He fhut his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had his little whore, advised with his counfellors, received his orders from North and Germain, (one more abfurd than the other,) took Galloway's opinion, fhut his eyes, fought again, and is now, I fuppofe, to be called on account for acting according to inftructions; but, I believe, his eyes are now opened; he fees he has been an inftrument of wickednefs and folly: indeed, when I obferved it to him, he not only took patiently the obfervation, but indirectly affented to the truth of it. He made, at the fame time, as far as his mauvais honte would permit, an apology for his treatment of me.'

Respecting the opinion which general Lee entertained of the Americans at Midfummer, 1782, we find the following evidence, in a letter to his fifter, in England.

You are curious, my dear filter, on the subject, of my finances, and are defirous to know whether thefe people, to whom I have facrificed every thing, have fhewn the fame black ingratitude with respect to my circumstances as they have in other matters; I can affure you, then, that their actions are all of a piece. Was is not for the friendship of Mr. Robert Morris and a fortunate purchase I made, more by luck than cunning, I might have begged in the streets, but without much chance of being relieved; not but that, to be juft, there are many exceptions to the general character of the Americans, both in and out of the army, and I think the greater number are of the latter clafs, men of fome honour, and who, I believe, have, from the beginning, afted on principle.'

Having thus laid before our readers the most prominent parts of the prefent volume, we fhall conclude with obferving, that the general evinces in his writings the fame fpirit of freedom with which he ufually acted. His remarks, on different oc

8

cafions,