for difinterested patriotifm. The perfonal emoluments of individuals, must be facrificed to focial restoration. The defire of power, the envy of eminence, the fear of oppofition, and the rancour of party muft fubfide, before minifters will refign their influence, members their election traffick, voters their fale of purchase, or parties their refentments and oppofition. While thefe evils remain we may, by extending our ancient privilege of voting, increase the corruption which impoverishes the country. Adding to the number of voters, will only increase the number to be bribed. And, in proportion to the election expences of our representatives being thus increased, their claims of reimbursement, with intereft, can only be fatisfied by increase of taxation.'

In the next chapter the author endeavours to prove, that copyholders being deprived of a right to vote for a reprefentative, is a departure from the principles of our ancient and free conftitution. Admitting what he had before advanced, that all the fubjects of the kingdom had an equal right to reprefentation, this propofition must follow, as a necessary refult from fuch a doctrine.

To deprive copyholders of a share in the legislature, fays he, is not only in a general point of view unjust, but is contrary to the laws of nations: copyholders being originally fuch as were enfranchised from a ftate of bondage or villenage, they were certainly entitled to the fame privileges as the freedmen among the Romans, and every other ftate where this power of introducing new citizens to a government, prevailed, Although it was neceffary to make fome diftinction between those who were free by birth, and those who were frec by acquifition, yet the distinction should not have been fuch as to have deprived them of the first right of citizens. This difference was fufficiently made between a copyholder and freeholder, by obliging the first to hold it fo far at the will of his lord, as it could not be fold or transferred, without being first refigned into the hands of the faid lord, who then gave it to the intended poffeffor, to be held of him, on performance of the fame fervices as the former owner had held it, according to the codom of the refpective manor. But the freeholder could alienate his land without even the knowledge of his lord, provided he referved a fufficiency to fecure the performance of his feudal fervices.'

The fentiments of fir W. Blackftone against the elective rights of copyholders, having been the caufe of an express ftatute, made in the 31ft of George the Second, to exclude them from the exercite of this privilege, the present chapter concludes with fome pertinent obfervations upon the mifinterpretation of the law, and what he thinks inconfiftencies, in

the

the above mentioned learned judge's opinions refpecting this fubject.

In the eighth chapter the author treats of borough-repre fentation, and endeavours to fhow that, according to the principles of our ancient government, as traced in the preceding chapters, every householder has a conftitutional right to a fhare in the legislature.

In the ninth chapter he takes a fummary view of the government, from William the Firft until the present period. He then recites what he calls the claims of the people of England; and fubjoins the plan of Mr. Glanville Sharp for reforming the reprefentation of Great Britain.

Having already delivered our own opinion respecting the fubject of the prefent volume, it will be fufficient for us to obferve, that the author is a zealous affertor of the general right of representation in parliament; that he investigates the principles of the conftitution by fair enquiry; and that he seems to have formed his opinions upon what he confiders as natural inductions from those principles. But, notwithstanding the moderation he avows, and to the praise of which, in many respects, we think him juftly entitled, there is perhaps fome reason to question both the practicability and advantage of fuch a total change in the fyftem of reprefentation, as is evidently the object of his enquiry. We fcruple not, however, to acknowledge, that we readily coincide with him in principle; and with regard to the execution of the plan of reform, we join in opinion with the philofophical poet,

Eft quodam prodire tenus, fi non datur ultra.

After an investigation of constitutional rights, the author proceeds to the history, political and perfonal, of the boroughs; detailing feparately the boroughs of each county, according to the alphabetical order of thofe diftricts. The prefent volume contains an account of the boroughs in Bedfordshire, Berkfhire, Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire, Cheshire, Cornwall, Cumberland, Derbyshire, Devonshire, and Dorfetfhire. The plan purfued by the author, is to give the political character of each borough; its ancient ftate of reprefentation; corpo ration; right of election; number of voters; returning of ficer, and patron. As a fpecimen of the narrative, we fhall lay before our readers what is faid of Weymouth and Melcombe. Regis, which we have felected on account of the anecdote with which it concludes.

Political character.-Thefe boroughs were the property of the famous Bubb Doddington, who was afterwards created lord Melcombe; in whofe celebrated Diary, the hiftory of thefe places form a complete account of the politics of the times, when fir

Robert

Robert Walpole, lord Wilmington, Mr. Henry Pelham, duke of Newcafile, duke of Devonshire, and the late Mr. Pitt, were minifters. These boroughs then became the property of the late Mr. Tucker; from whom they defcended to the late Gabriel Steward, efq. who was mayor of thefe boroughs for this prefent year, and is lately deceased. Being in poffeffion of thefe boroughs, he had the lucrative office of paymaller of marines, which is 6oool. a year. This gentleman fold them to W. Pulteney, efq. the prefent poffeffor, whofe brothers are two of the four reprefentatives.

'Ancient reprefentation. Melcombe fent members to parliament in the reign of Edward III. which was before Weymouth had the privilege; and in the reign of Edward III. it was in fo flourishing a ftate, that it was appointed a ftaple by act of parliament; but, for its quarrels with Weymouth, its privileges, as a port, were in the reign of Henry Vl. removed to Poole : they were however restored to them by act of parliament, in the time of Elizabeth; and in the next reign they were confirmed, on condition that Melcombe and Weymouth fhould form but one corporation, and enjoy their privileges in common.

United corporations confift of a mayor, a recorder, two bailiffs, feveral aldermen, the number of whom is uncertain ; yet they fend four members to parliament, as if they were distinct corporations. In Melcombe there is a good market-place and town-hall, where the members of the corporation, refiding in Weymouth, come to attend on public bufinefs.

Right of election.-There has been no refolution of the house as to the exprefs right; but, upon the trial of a contested election in 1730, the counfel on both fides agreed to the following fatement of the right being-" in the mayor, aldermen, and capital burgeffes inhabiting in the borough, and in perfons feized of freebolds within the borough, and not receiving alms."

Number of voters.-The numbers have been as low as 200, and as high as 600; but as they are now the property, of an individual, their decifion is entirely at his pleasure,

In the penfion-lift that was published in the reign of Charles II. is inferted the following paragraph:

Weymouth.-Sir W nften Churchil, now one of the clerks of the green-cloth, proffered his own daughter to the duke of York, and has got in boon 10,000l. has published a print, that the king may raise money without parliament."

From the nature of this Hiftory, it must prove particularly ufeful to those who fhall hereafter be candidates for feats in parliament. But every true friend to the conftitution will fincerely lament, that the important privilege of election, ori

ginally

ginally intended for the fecurity of public freedom, fhould be converted into an engine for the gratification of private ambition or avarice; and if any thing can add to the weight of argument in favour of a parliamentary reform, a confideration fo humiliating as that which has just been mentioned must tend very much to recommend the expediency of fuch an attempt. We are informed by the publisher, that the fecond volume will appear in May next.

Memoirs of the Life of the late Charles Lee, Efq. Lieut. Colonel of the 44th Regiment, Colonel in the Portuguese Service, Major General, and Aid du Camp to the King of Poland, and fecond in Command in the Service of the United States of Ame rica during the Revolution: to which are added his Political and Military Effays. Allo Letters to and from many dif tinguifhed Characters, both in Europe and America. 8vo. 55. Boards. Jordan.. 1792.

THESE Memoirs, we are informed, were tranfmitted to

England, for publication, in the year 1786, by Mr. Langworthy, a member of congrefs for the ftate of Georgia; fince which time they have remained in the hands of the editor, antil, at laft, he refolved to put them to the prefs. The perfon to whom they relate bore a confpicuous part in the lat war; and was not lefs diftinguifhed by the incidents in his life, than the incoherent and contradictory motives which fucceffively influenced his conduct. At one time he was a determi ned royalist, at another a violent republican. The rigid exertion of regal authority would now be the object of his warmeft approbation; in the next moment he was the panegyrift, the idolater, and the voluntary victim of liberty. Through the whole of his life he appears to have been vehement and eccentric; and, if not in his perfonal attachments, at least in his opinion of men and things, almost perpetually fluctuating.

of

It appears from the Memoirs, that major-general Lee was the youngest fon of John Lee of Dernhall, in the county Chefter, who was promoted, in 1742, to a regiment of foot. The fon was an officer at eleven years of age; and we are told that, from his earlieft youth, he was ardent in the purfuit of knowledge. After acquiring a competent fkill in the Greek and Latin, tactics became his favourite study, in which he fpent much time and pains; defiring nothing more than to diftinguish himself in the profeffion of arms. He ferved in the British army in the war of 1756, and received a wound at the battle of Ticonderoga. In the war of 1762, he bore a

colonel's

colonel's commiffion, and ferved under general Burgoyne in Portugal, where he diftinguished himself by his military conduct. At the conclufion of the peace he returned to England, after having received the thanks of his Portuguese majeity for his fervices. We are told that he had, at this period, a friend and patron in high office, one of the principal fecretaries of ftate; so that there was every reafon for him to have expected promotion in the British army. But this, it seems, was prevented by his enthusiasm for America; on which account he loft the favour of the ministry, and with this all hopes of promotion.

Naturally averfe to inactivity, he now betook himself to the Polish service; and was of course abfent when the stamp act paffed. It appears, however, that he did not ceafe labouring in the cause of America; but exerted all his abilities with every correfpondent he had, in either houfe of parliament, of any weight or influence. The author of the Memoirs obferves, that this famous act had divided almost every court in Europe into two different parties: one of them, affertors of the prerogative of the British parliament; the other, of the rights and privileges of America. He affirms that general Lee, on this occafion, pleaded the cause of the colonies with fuch earneftness as almost to break off all intercourse with the king's ministers at the court of Vienna, men that he perfonally loved and esteemed; but, at the fame time, it was thought, that he' pleaded with fo much fuccess as to add not a few friends and partizans to the American caufe.

The general who, we are told, could never ftay long in one place, during the years 1771, 1772, to the autumn of 1773, had rambled all over Europe; but nothing of any confequence can be collected relative to the adventures of his travels, as his memorandum-books only mention the names of the towns and cities through which he paffed. It appears, however, that he was engaged with an officer in Italy in an affair of honour, by which he loft the use of two of his fingers: but having recourfe to pistols, the Italian was flain, and he was immediately obliged to fly for his life. His warmth of temper, it is added, drew him into many rencounters of this kind.

Towards the end of 1773, general Lee arrived in America, where he became second in command in the fervice of the United States. After fome fuccefsful encounters with the British troops, he was, in 1776, made prifoner by colonel Harcourt, but exchanged with other prifoners fubfequent to the affair of Saratoga.

The statement of the general's fortune when he joined the Americans, is as follows: four hundred and eighty pounds

per