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firable we gave a fimilar opinion* fome years fince, which we ftill retain. While we difapprove the defign, let us except particular paffages in the execution. Where Homer difplays in a ftriking manner his poetical excellence, Mr. Cowper generally follows his fteps, æquis paffibus. His fpirit and manner is happily transfufed into the following defcription of the adverfe armies marching to battle:

Then, many a yell was heard, and many a shout
Loud intermix'd, the flayer o'er the maimed
Exulting, and the field was drench'd with blood.
As when two winter torrents rolling down

The mountains, fhoot their floods through gullies huge
Into one gulph below, ftation'd remote

The fhepherd in the uplands hears the roar ;
Such was the thunder of the mingling hofts.'

The majestic fimplicity which marks the original, in the fubfequent paflage, is likewife admirably preserved; and it would be injuftice not to remark, that many others of the fame kind might be produced :

.

Nor Neptune, fov'reign of the boundless Deep,
Look'd forth in vain; he on the summit sat
Of Samothracia, foreft-crown'd, the stir
Admiring thence and tempeft of the field;
For thence appear'd all Ida, thence the tow'rs
Of lofty Ilium, and the fleet of Greece.
There fitting from the deeps upris'n, he mourn'd
The vanquish'd Grecians, and refentment fierce
Conceived and wrath against all-ruling Jove.
Arifing fudden, down the rugged fleep
With rapid ftrides he came; the mountains huge
And forefts under the immortal feet

Trembled of Ocean's Sovereign as he ftrode.

Three ftrides he made, the fourth convey'd him home
To Ega. At the bottom of th' abyfs,

There ftands magnificent his golden fane,

A dazzling incorruptible abode.

Arrived, he to his chariots joined his fteeds

Swift, brazen-hoof'd, and man'd with wavy gold;
Himself attiring next in gold, he feized

His golden fcourge, and to his feat fublime
Afcending, oe'r the billows drove; the whales
Leaving their caverns, gambol'd on all fides

• Crit. Rev. Vol. lviii. p. 333.

Around

Around him, not unconscious of their king;

He fwept the furge that tinged not as he pass'd
His axle, and the fea parted for joy.”,

(To be continued.)

Various Opinions of the Philofophical Reformers confidered, particularly Paine's Rights of Man. By C. Hawtrey, M. A. 80. 35. Stockdale. 1792.

THE

HE new political doctrines of the prefent moment, whether as the subjects of fpeculative enquiry in this, or of a practical experiment in a neighbouring country, have awakened the attentions of every inquifitive mind, and drawn forth numerous tracts of various and unequal merit. They have, however, contributed to fhow the fallacy of fome apparently well founded doctrines on the one hand, and the futility of fome fpecious reveries on the other. Mr. Hawtrey is a firm and able champion for the church and state: he defends every inch of ground, and his formidable entrenchments, against fuppofed or expected attacks, fhould be carefully reconnoitred by opponents. We have, indeed, little hesitation in adding, that his eagerness leaves him occafionally unguarded in fome effential parts, and the infecurity of his ground renders him less fuccefsful in other repulfes. On the whole, a skilful adverfary may be often able to annoy him from thofe batteries which are erected for oppofition, and which, after a very flight conteft, may be taken.-But let us drop metaphors, and be a little more particular.

The declamation at the beginning is fpirited.

Modern philofophy has evidently its tendency to produce the most baneful effects on fociety. I's object is first to annihilate every thing that is focial, to diffolve all thofe ties and connections which hitherto have linked men together, and which have hindered them from preying upon each other; and out of the chaotic diffolution to introduce a new fyftem and order of things, by which wonders the most abfurd and the most impofible are to be brought to pafs, by which all the wildom of mankind, from the beginning of the creation to the present day, is to be considered as folly, and all the folly which conceit can be the parent of is to be established in its room. All are to be free; there is to be no flavery, and yet in the conflitution of the world, which the inpotent efforts of thefe worthies cannot alter, we fee it is ordained otherwife. All are to be equal, which at the fame time we know, except man has a new nature given him, cannot be but, notwithftanding the equality, fill there is to be rower in the world; and, to complete the admirable excellence of the fyftem, the power is

to be derived from those who are to be the subjects of it; that is, who are not in poffeffion of the power which is to be derived from them.'

But how is modern philofophy chargeable with so many faults? Her beams have illuminated many obfcure receffes; and nature, properly interrogated, has revealed fome valuable fecrets, which the induftry, perhaps the avarice, of mankind have eagerly applied to the increase of our comforts or pleafures; but the nearest connection between philofophy and government that we can trace is, in calling the new planet the Georgium Sidus. In fact, we notice this early error not fo much for the fake of these remarks, as to obferve, that the reafoning is very often affected by the little inaccuracies which are feemingly owing to hafte. In the prefent inftance philofophy is not in fault the errors are owing to vifionary refinements, which, to ferve the purpofe, have been dreffed in her fpecious garb; and to have been correct the author fhould have faid the pretended political philofophy of the prefent æra. He proceeds to notice various errors of Paine, whofe work we can fcarcely mention without indignation. Many of this incendiary's remarks are too trifling and abfurd for notice, and many a very flight degree of ingenuity might have detected. In one or two inftances, however, Mr. Hawtrey has failed from the causes just now hinted at. He has certainly not proved that a nation is to be confidered as the fame, during the fuccceding eras of different individuals. It is undoubtedly another and the same,' a nation of the fame name, but compofed of men differing perhaps in fentiments, in inclinations, and passions; nor is there any reason, from this view, why they may not correct what they find wrong, or add what may appear deficient. We may obferve too, not from fpeculation but from experience, that Mr. Hawtrey's ar guments on the propriety of placing the power of making war or peace in the hands of the monarch, have lefs force than they feem to pc: fs. At prefent, the queftion is of little importance: the people know their rights and their power; they will refift any wild, mad, or ambitious, attempt of this kind.

On the subject of tythes, our author's remarks are more judicious, and they deferve a very attentive confideration. We had intended to have enlarged on this subject; but, as we fufpect that neither our author's arguments, nor our own obfervations could render an unpopular impoft pleafing, or give credit to what may perhaps be confidered as an injudicious method of providing for the clergy, we fhall content ourselves with wifhing fuccefs to every ftep towards a commutation, till the period arrives when the whole may be changed. Mr. Hawtrey's

Hawtrey's defence of the right of primogeniture is, in many parts, exceptionable; and he has perhaps a little too rafhly engaged in an eager defence of creeds, particularly that called from Athanafius.

The English constitution he dates from the period of Alfred in the ninth century; and we fhall extract, from this part, some obfervations and facts which are curious and little known. It has been objected that the English government arofe out of conqueft not out of fociety, and confequently it arofe over the people. Our author replies to the remark.

The answer to this is, that the English government did not arife out of a conqueft, because there was a government regular and formed (as needs not to be proved) long prior to the coming over of the duke of Normandy; that William the First did not become a king of England by conqueft, but by right, as the appointed fucceffor of king Edward; that king Edward had notified to him that he was to be his fucceffor, as Ordericus Vitalis informs us Primo per Robertum Cant. Summum Pontificen, poftea per eundem Haruldum, integrum Anglici regni Mandaverat conceffionem ipfumque concedentibus Anglis, fecerat totius juris fui hæredem. And upon the principie of his having a legal title, William juftified his claim to the crown in the answer which he returned to Harold, who demanded of him on what ground he invaded England; and the fame language he ufed conftantly after he was in poffeffion of the crown, never grounding his title to the kingdom on conquest, but always on his inheritance of confanguinity, and on his being the adopted heir of the kingdom; and when at any time he is called conqueror, it never is by reafon of his having conquered the people of England, but on account of his having conquered the usurper Harold. A conqueft of the people of England was wholly unneceffary, as they made no oppofition to him, and indeed themselves had invited him to come and take poffeffion of the crown, which Harold had ufurped: and William the First was no more a conqueror of the people of England than William the Third was; both were invited over by the people, both governed by the voluntary fubmiffion of the people, and according to the eftablished laws of the realm, which were folemnly ratified in the inftance of the Norman William in the fourth year of his reign.'

The obfervation deferved notice; but the conduct of William is the best proof that he confidered himself as a conqueror, and of the nation, that they fuppofed themselves conquered. From the following extract, with which we shall conclude, our readers will judge how far the affembly of Alfred can be confidered as a parliament.

Long before the reign of the defcendants of William, and

long

long before the reign of even William himself, were parliaments known in England; not indeed with the formalities of the present day, but with the fame effential properties of parliament, as might be evidenced in a great variety of inftances, were there any occafion in a matter of fuch general notoriety: therefore let one only inftance fuffice; it is curious, but little known, and well authenticated, of a parliament holden at Shifford, in the county of Oxford, in the days of Alfred the Great. The account of it is given in a manufcript in fir Robert Cotton's library, in the fol lowing terms:

At Sifford reten Danen mante. Fele Bircopp, er fele Boclered (f. Jer prudé, ez Cnihzer egloche. den parple elf, ac of de lage ruch pire, ec Alfred englehind, Engle denling, on nyland he par Cyng, hem he gan lepen, rpo hi heɲen mihten hu hi here if eden scolden.

In English thus: There fat at Shifford many thanes, many bishops, and many learned men, wife earls, and awful knights. There was earl Elfrick, very learned in the law, and Alfred, England's herdfman, England's darling; he was king of England; he taught them that could hear him how they should live.".

The manufcript as referred to by Dr. Plot in his history of Oxfordshire, ed. 1677, fol. 22; and the tranflation is given in Dr. Plot's own words.'

• In confirmation of the truth of the above manufcript, the reader is to be informed, that the remembrance of this parliament is ftill preferved at Shifford by a name being given to the spot whereon it was holden, which from that event is to this day called the Court Clofe. There is moreover one of the common fields in the neighbourhood of Shifford which, from the fame event, is called the Kinfea or Kinfey Field.

Before the days of Alfred the affemblies of the people used to be tumultuous, and without any order or regularity; but this wife prince taught thofe who could hear him how they ought to live; that they ought to regulate themfelves by wisdom, and fome certain and standard rule; that in their affemblies their chief objec ought to be the public good, and that men of all orders ought to contribute their endeavours towards it; and for this purpose he convened all the various orders in his kingdom, thanes, earls, knights, &c. to meet him at Shifford. From this venerable then, but at present forfaken spot, iffued the firft dawnings of the English government (in a meeting of the king with his people in their feveral ranks and orders), which from that time went on meliorating and receiving improvements through various fucceffions of ages, till it received its final completion and establishment at the revolu tion.'

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