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tion relates to the repeal of the test and corporation acts ; the arguments for and against which are recited with apparent impartiality. The abolition of the slave-trade, which forms the fubject of the next section, is considered by the author in the fame manner, and with the fame disinterested judgment. The lalt section is on the regency; from which, as it will best show the author's political sentiments, we shall lay before our readers an extract.
During the debates which the various provisions and restrictions of the regency bill occasioned, which lasted till the middle of February, the public watched with a degree of interest and anx. iety proportioned to the importance and nature of the fubject, the opinions of individuals, and the movements of party. They had fometimes to regret the violence of the one, and the intemperance of the other, so ill according with that solemn and awful impref. fion which the confideration of their sovereign's amictive state, and of the probable situation of public affairs, was calculated to produce. They heard expreilions applied to the first, by men whose talents and whose characters they wished to respect, equally devoid of dignity, of delicacy, and of feeling. They saw that party whom it was supposed the establishment of the regency would introduce into administration, forget, in the inordinate desire, in the voracity of power, the interests of their country and the rights of their king. They looked with the regrets of affection, on the conduct of the illustrious and amiable personage who was understood to be the fupport of that party. It was the first time they had heard the name of a prince of the House of Brunswick jar with those principles of freedom and of the constitution by which (the proudest of all titles) his family had ascended the throne. They lamented his being, as they conceived, misled by designing men, who, bending his inte. reits in subservience to their own, endangered their separation from those of the country; and they looked with a gloomy presage to the elevation of such men into power, which they had anticipated with fo little regard to the welfare or the feelings of the people. The meafures of that party they contrasted with those of their opponents, with a partiality to the latter, which perhaps their master's situation tended to excite. Covered with the fhade of his afiction, his minifters challenged the respect and favour of his people; who, with an equal zeal of patriotism, and a fympathetic affeciion of loyalty, faw them prepare, with a calm and conscious dignity, for a dismission from place and power, regardless of themselves, and only tenacious of the rights of their fellow-citizens and of their sovereign.
< But the virtue which the people supposed in the one, or the ambition which they impated to the cther, were equally stopped in their exertion by the happy event of his majesty's recover
which took place about the middle, and was communicated to parliament before the end of February. The joy of the nation was as unbounded as it was fincere, and the king had the peculiar felicity to find himself restored to health, of which the enjoyment was rendered doubly a blessing by the most signal proofs of the fidelity and affection of his subjects. It was fituation new, as ic was interesting, in the fate of a king, who can seldom have the good fortune to experience, after such a vicisitude, the pure af. fe&tions of his people, unbribed by the hopes of favour, or undazzled by the glare of victory. To hear that voice (as she apotheofis of poets have feigned of kings after their death) which had certainly arisen undebased by the fears of the weak, the expe&ations of the selfish, or the flattery of the mean. The people, by a combination not less unusual, while they enjoyed the restoration of their monarch, felt the energy of the conftitution, and triumphed in the virtue of the parliament. They refted with peculiar fatisfaction on the late recognition of this great constitutional principle, that in parliament alone, as their representative, resides the power of regulating every emergency not already provided for by the express law, or by the known establihed custom of the realm.
In the conclusion of the pamphlet, there are some general femarks on administration and opposition, which, we believe, will be admitted to be judicious and just by the friends of each party. It also details the proceedings of a parliament, perhaps the most memorable, for the importance of its transactions, of any that has occurred in the present century; and the author is, doubtless, strongly fupported in his opinions by the authority of other political writers, who have laid before the public their sentiments on the several subjects of which he delivers an account. He seems to tread much in the footsteps of the writer who lately produced 'a fhort Sketch of the last ten Years of the Reign of George the Third.'
CONTROVERSIAL AND POLITICAL. 4 Letter to the Right Rev. tbe Lord Bishop of Landaff, containing
Remarks on bis Lordship's Charge to the Clergy of the Diocese of Landaff. 4to.
Debrett. 1792 THE HE bishop's Charge has been the subject of much animadver
fion. We found it generally innocent, though sometimes blameable, but worded with so much caution, that we suspected it might have been a little altered ; an insinuation hinted pretty plainly by the Country Curate,' but which it would have been improper for us, without authority, to have noticed. The bishop's corres
pondent fees '
much danger in his lord ship's caution, and thinks that the Charge has in many respects an esoteric, as an exoteric meaning; an imputation which certainly should not be rafhly thrown out, for if no improper consequences can be fairly drawn from what he has said, they certainly fould not be deduced from what he has omitted. A great part of the Letter relates, however, to the supé posed opinions of his lordship, which are either concealed, or only covertly hinted at.
Many objections are made to the new ecclefiaftical establishment in France, which Dr. Watson seems to approve. One of these is the want of security for the property which they have been allowed to keep. This is, however, an objection, the force of which, when the government is established, will vanish ; and, if it is over. thrown, will no longer be made. But, if high dignities and the emoluments of the hierarchy are to be the reward of distinguished learning and cultivated abilities, the bishop's calculation of the remaining riches of the French church is groundless for the prizes should be numerous in proportion to the numbers, to excite emulation. The reply to his lordship’s remarks on the test and corporation acts is very judicious; and the connection between the church and ftate, as it is influenced by the political opinions of sectarists, very clearly pointed out. The Country Curate seems eager to show, that the conduct of the Dissenters, at the Revolu: tion and in the Rebellion, was selfish and interelted, since, in either case, the government would be less tolerant than that which they supported. But, to seek for motives in order to form the accusa. tion, is an invidious task : ' they did the state some service ;' and every reward which government can bestow, confiftent with its own safety, they should receive. On the whole, our author reasons with great force and ability ; yet we think he sometimes disa plays prejudices too deeply rooted, and is eager, but perhaps he has well founded reasons, to condemn Dr, Watson for what he has omitted, as well as for what he has said. Refle&tions on the controversial Writings of Dr. Priefley, relative to
Religious Opinions, Establishments, and Tefts. Part 1. 8vo. Is. 6d. Rivingtons. 1791.
The author of these Reflections examines the different writings of the adventurous polemic with great skill and propriety. But, resting on different foundations, and reasoning with almoft opposite views, the combatants draw conclufions' far as the poles afunder.' In some few instances, Dr. Priestley's antagonist pursues his own principles farther than expedience or the temper of this æra will admit; farther than we, who wish for a regulated liberty both civil and religious, can follow him; yet, on the whole, this is a work which we have read with pleasure. It relates chiefly to the test and corporation acts, and the charge so freely and unequivocally made of perfecution by the church.
A Defence of Public or Sucial Worship; in a Letter 80 G. Wakefield,
B. A. By J. Wilson, M. A. 8vo. In reviewing Mr. Wakefield's work, we contented ourselves with ftating his arguments, for reasons that we may probably give in the course of this controversy, for a controversy we even then expected: we must at present do little more. Mr. Wilson contends, that the passages adduced by Mr. Wakefield relate undoubtedly to private prayer, which was a duty ftri&tly inculcated by our Savi. our; but that he went up into the Temple frequently, where prayers were public and social. He dwells a little too much on an argument taken from the common language of the present time, and does not sufficiently show, that the prayers in the Temple were facial. His arguments, relating to the practice of the apotles, are not directed with sufficient care to this lacter point. Curfory Remarks on an Enquiry into the Expediency and Propriety of
Public or Social Worship. Refpefully inscribed 10 G. Wakefield, B. A. By Eufebia. 8vo. 6d. Knott. 1592.
Rational religion appears with peculiar beauty in a female mind, for it is generally animated with a warmth of devotion, and rendered interefting by the feminine weakness, which requires fup. port. Eusebia's Remarks, independent of this recommendation, are tuly judicious, and she has selected some pallages which, require Mr. Wakefield's attentive consideration in the progress of this Enquiry. We shall only suggest, that the prayers mentioned were probably regulated by the Jewish ritual and customs. The following passage is expressed with peculiar beauty and force.
• And though such devout aspirations can give no information to an Omniscient Being, nor alter his plans, originally designed for the greatest general and individual good; yet it is possible, that they may be links in the great chain of causes and effects, and by giving rise to pure and pious sentiments, be ultimately productive of consequences the most beneficial. Far as the world has advanced to maturity, and enlightened as is the present age, compared with former obscurity; yet are the generality of mankind by do means fufficiently spiritualised, as to be capable of rising into firft principles, and regulating their practice from the reason and mo. ral fitness of things; and where through inattention or incapacity, this is not to be expected, even a mechanical devotion, a mere performance of external duties and private prayer may frequently be no more) may have a refraining effect upon the conduct; as it is a general observation, that youth, who have received a religious education, though the precepts may not have reached the heart, are yet incapable of rushing into vice and dissipation, with the same callous inconfideration as others, whose early associations have been of a different nature: when through the medium of the senses, re.
peated peated impressions have been made on the brain, good or evil ha. bits acquire an ascendancy not easily to be eradicated; words muit first be taught, and ideas will afterwards cling to them. If, to avoid the appearance of a vain display, all outward acts and expressions of devotion are to be discouraged, piety will want the prevailing recommendation of example, or religion be reduced to a mere system of morals, which unaffifted reason might have dif. covered, without needing a divine interference.' Notes on Mr. Paine's Rights of Man. 8vo. 25. 63. Debrett. 1792.
These Notes are comprized in fix Numbers, and are written with spirit and ability. We cannot but think, indeed, that the author has misemployed his time ; for those who admire the defpicable work on which he comments, must be blinded either by ignorance or the prejudice of party : it is equally difficult to inform the first class, and to remove the vcil from the eyes of the fe. cond. Strictures on a Pamphlet entitled 9 houghts on the late Riets at Bir
mingham. By a Welsh Freeholder. 8vo. 1s. Johnson. 1792.
We have often had occafion to commend the abilities of the Welsh Freeholder, and the force of his reasoning. In the present Striểures, though we differ a little from him in opinion respecting Dr. Priestley's equanimity, his mild forgiving disposition, as well as the original intentions of those who proposed the commemoration on its first very extensive scale, he has fully supported his former character. The author of the • Thoughts’ was much too eager and violent in his abuse, unsupported by any facts : the Free. holder may perhaps be excused therefore, if, in his correction of these faults, he errs a little in the opposite extreme. A Letter from Timothy Soberfides, Extinguisher-Maker at Wolver.
hampton, to J. Blaft, Below's-Maker, at Birmingham. 8vo. 6d. Johnson. 179
Timothy is a fly dog. He begins with professing his attach. ment to church and late, and is all on fire? against those wicked rogues the Prelbyterians, who were to blow ap the Church and murder all the bishops. This he finds, however, to be the violent calumnies of party, and that truly the Dissenters have done no harm ; nay, that they are a very good sort of people-In truth, Timothy, you are a wag, but you do not want abilities, and we fhould have no obje&tion to meet you on better ground. À Letter to the Rev. E. flolder, on the brief and sufficient Answer to
the Philosophy of the Mafons. 12me. 2d. Routh, Bristol. 2792.
This little ephemera was formed and animated in twenty-four hours, and lived but twice that time. In other words, it was