PREFACE.

THE Continuation of the executions of catholics on religious accounts, from the death of queen Elizabeth till the end of the reign of king Charles the second, is laid before the reader in this second volume of our memoirs, in which we have endeavoured to follow the same method as in the first. Our intention herein is not to meddle any way with religious controversies, or to make apologies for the principles of those whose sufferings we represent, or to discuss the merits of the cause for which they suffered; but barely to give an impartial account of the characters of these sufferers, as far as we could learn of them, the most remarkable particulars of their lives and deaths, and their behaviour at their execution.

If any one apprehend that the cruelties here represented, may reflect an odium upon the memories of those who were the authors or executors of the sanguinary laws, by which so much christian blood has been shed for more than a whole century, in a nation which of all others is naturally most averse from shedding of blood; we can only assure him that it was not our design to reflect on the memory of any one, but barely to represent matters of fact, which we hoped might furnish a useful and agreeable scene of history to the English reader. However, we must at the same time declare, how much we are convinced, that the more mild proceedings of the present government, with regard to catholics, are far more agreeable both to reason and religion, more honourable to the nation, and more suitable to that claim of liberty and property, which every true Englishman challenges as his birth-right.

In effect, is it not most agreeable to right reason, for a people that disclaims all pretensions to infallibility, to give a moderate liberty to the tender consciences of their fellow subjects, of thinking for themselves in matters of religion, without being constrained therein by penal laws?

And can any thing be more highly unreasonable, than to impose upon them a necessity of conforming, in matters where their souls are concerned, to the judgment of others, acknowledged by themselves to be liable to error, and contrary in many points to their own judgment, and to that of the greatest and wisest men upon earth? Is not this even irreconcileable with the great principle of morality, of not doing to others what one would not bear should be done to oneself?

Again, is it not most agreeable to religion, to practice mildness and charity towards our fellow christians, and if we suppose them to be in an error, to win them over rather by good treatment and good example, and to convince their judgment by proper arguments and evidences of the truth, than to compel them by penal laws to play the hypocrites, and profess what they do not believe? And how much more ought this to be observed, if we speak of people, who, if they are in the wrong, it is visibly their misfortune and not their fault, having no worldly motives of honour, interest, or pleasure, to bias their judgment, which is plainly the case of English catholics? And certainly nothing can be more disagreeable to the very first principles of protestant religion, which would have all christians to steer by the word of God, than to oblige men to renounce those tenets which they sincerely believe to be conformable to the word of God, as catholics do with regard to the doctrine of transubstantiation, &c.

As to the honour of the English nation, our neighbours abroad certainly think better of us now, than when they were continually hearing of our putting priests to death, which in their notions was an unparalleled piece of cruelty.

And as to that liberty and property which is the birth-right of a Briton, nothing can be more opposite to it, than persecution for religion, which visibly tends to enslave the conscience, and to invade the life or property of an Englishman, merely because he has not the same way of thinking as his neighbours.

But the advocates of persecution will here object, that Roman catholics have been notoriously guilty of rebellions and treasons, under pretence of religion; and therefore must be kept under by penal laws. But supposing the guilt to have been even greater than it really was, are there not laws enough against rebellions and treasons, to restrain all sorts of people from such wicked attempts, without constraining their

consciences in matters of religion? And is it not more than probable, that such things would never have been thought on by catholics, had they not been pushed upon them by the cruel usages they met with on account of their religion? But be this as it will, the law of God and nature teaches us, that the children ought not to suffer for the misdemeanors of their fathers.

But the persecutors will say, perhaps, that Roman catholic principles are inconsistent with civil allegiance to the sovereign, and with the tranquillity of the nation to which the catholics reply, that their principles are misrepresented; and that their loyalty to their princes, and peaceful behaviour to their fellow subjects, may be demonstrated by the experience of so many princes and states abroad, as well protestants as catholics, where the professors of their religion are known to be as good subjects, in all respects, as any others of what denomination

soever.

Some urge, as a third reason for persecuting Roman catholics, that it is a duty incumbent on all christian princes, not to tolerate an idolatrous worship in their dominions; and such they suppose the Roman religion to be. But the more moderate protestants are not willing to charge so gross a crime as that of idolatry on so many millions of christians, to whom they were indebted for their own christianity: and since the generality of protestants look upon it as a point of christian charity, to allow salvation to the catholics, why may they not tolerate, without a crime, what they grant is not inconsistent with salvation?

But we shall say no more on this subject, what has been said already being abundantly sufficient to vindicate the moderation of the present government from the unjust censures of some fiery zealots, who breathe nothing but slaughter and destruction against all who differ from themselves in religious controversies. And we doubt not, but the wisdom of the legislature, when they shall think proper to take these matters under consideration, will find many other weighty reasons, which will demonstrate that a toleration of the private exercises of the Roman catholic religion, will be more agreeable to the common good and tranquillity of the nation, and more advantageous to our trade, than penal laws and persecutions.

As to the rest, we look upon it our duty, before we conclude, to make a public acknowledgment of our obligations to those from whom we

received the greatest part of our materials, out of which we have compiled our memoirs; particularly to the English colleges of Douay and St. Omer's, and to the English Benedictins and Franciscans; and amongst the catholic gentry, to C———————t C———————————le, Esq., who furnished us with divers useful books and manuscripts.

We think it also necessary, in consequence of the decrees of our superiors, to take notice that we do not pretend by these memoirs to authorize or encourage any religious veneration of these gentlemen who have suffered for their religion, till the church shall think proper to declare them martyrs; and that on the same account we speak sparingly of their miracles; and that if we ever employ, in treating of them, the name of saint or martyr, we understand it not in that sense in which it is attributed to such as have been canonized by the church; to whose wholesome ordinances we submit ourselves and all our writings.

MEMOIRS

OF

MISSIONARY PRIESTS,

&c.

As soon as queen Elizabeth was dead, James, the sixth of that name, king of Scotland, was proclaimed king of England: under whom the catholics hoped for better times. And in effect, not long after his accession to the throne, several recusants of the best rank were by order of his majesty sent for to Hampton-Court, and were there told, by his special direction to some of the lords of the council, that henceforth he was resolved to exonerate the catholics of England, of the usual fine or payment of twenty pounds a month, for recusancy; which favour they should so long enjoy, as their behaviour towards the king and state was without contempt. And when the catholics humbly desired to know whether their recusancy would not be interpreted contempt ? They were assured it would not; and were ordered to signify as much to all of that profession. See a small tract, called, The Lay Catholics' Petition for Priests,' &c., chap. I.

As to the priests also, many of them, who were in confinement, experienced his majesty's clemency, by being allowed to sue forth their pardons, paying a small fine to the then lord chancellor. So that when the king, soon after his arrival into England, was told of one Mr. Freeman, put to death at Warwick, for taking orders in the church of Rome, and remaining in England contrary to the statute; he said to those about him, with some surprise; Alas! poor man, had he not four nobles to purchase his pardon? Some people looked upon this as a jest upon a certain great minister of State: but it was no jesting matter for the priest, who was hanged, drawn, and quartered, according to sentence. See Protestants' Plea for Priests and Papists,' p. 54. Of this Mr. Freeman, I have found no further particulars, nor any mention of him in any of our catalogues; unless he be the same as Mr. John Sugar, priest, who suffered at Warwick, July 16, 1604, as we shall see hereafter.